Search | Advanced Search | Search Families | Search SiteMatches 1,801 to 2,000 of 7,362
| # | Notes | Linked to |
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| 1801 | Baptized in the First Congregational Church in East Haddam, CT. | Annable Olive (I53630)
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| 1802 | Baptized in the First Congregational Church, East Haddam, CT. | Annable Abigail Clarke (I53443)
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| 1803 | Baptized in the First Congregational Church, East Haddam, CT. | Annable Mary (Sally) (I53520)
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| 1804 | baptized March 7, 1636 | FOSTER Timothy (I37894)
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| 1805 | Baptized May 29th, 1768 at First Church of Christ, Hartford, CT | ROOT David (I40522)
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| 1806 | Bardin or Charadin PRDH Individual 46560: Marguerite BARDIN; Status: Outside the population First marriage: before 1630-12-31, Lieu inconnu with Thomas LELABOUREUR | Charadin Marguerite [º] Bardin (I39670)
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| 1807 | Baron of Okehampton | Sir Hugh De COURTENAY (I34353)
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| 1808 | Baron of Thornburgh, 3rd Earl of Bedford | RUSSELL William (I20113)
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| 1809 | Barthelemi, the seventh Gobeil child, was the only one to carry on the name. Godson of Barthelemi Verreau, on 21 April 1668 at Chateau- Richer, a servant at the home of Francois Belanger in 1681, he moved into the Dionne family by marrying Anne, daughter of Antoine and of Catherine Ivory, on 19 August 1697, at Ste-Famille. They had nine children, five of whom were sons, at St-Jean. Barthelemi inherited the paternal property. He died on 7 February 1724, after a long illness, fortified by all the sacraments. | GOBEIL Barthelemi (I3430)
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| 1810 | Batism: Feb 27 1679, Quebec | MICHAUD Joseph (I5659)
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| 1811 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I8566)
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| 1812 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I1580)
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| 1813 | Became a nun and spent her whole life in a Montral convent. | BISSON Victorine (I1105)
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| 1814 | Became a nun, professed March 9, 1957 Final vows August 6 1962 sister of St. Joseph of Carondalet SSN: 469-38-0915 Worked as an elementary school teacher in the St. Paul Public Schools until retirement June 16, 1997 after 30 years of service. Christen: July 4, 1937 in Franklin, Renville Co., Minnesota in Sacred Heart Catholic Church. Presented by Brian Freeman at Betty's one year memorial: The Life of Betty Leedom Betty was born June 22, 1937, the last surviving and middle child of 7 siblings: Charles Robert 73 Gertrude Mary 0 Stillborn in 1934 Patricia Ann 41 Elizabeth Jane 76 Mary Kathleen 1 John McDonough 64 Margaret Joanne 66 Betty and family grew up in Franklin, MN near the Lower Sioux Indian Reservation in Morton, MN. This was the 3rd generation of Freemans living in Franklin. Her grandfather, Charles Etson Freeman, owned a firm called Poss & Freeman starting in 1909 as a partnership. By 1915 they split the business and named it “Freeman Furniture, Lumber, and Undertaking”, which tells you what he did. Charles E. was a very prominent person in Franklin and married to Kathryn Elizabeth Brown “Katy” for 51 years. Charles E. kept the store until 1950, a year before he died, at the age of 81. To date, he has over 109 descendants. Of his 8 children, Charles Lyle Freeman became Betty’s Father and married Bernice Hart, or “Bee.” As many know, Bee is our link to Native American ancestry. She was enrolled at White Earth, the same as Betty. Bee died at the age of 84 and Charles L. at 51. At about 19 years old, Betty took her vows at ST. Joseph of Corondalet, becoming a nun. As many do when they enter the church, they will choose a name they will be called while they serve god. Betty cared so deeply for her younger sister who died at the age of one, she took her name and was known as Sister Mary Kathleen Freeman. While in the convent, Sister Mary Kathleen worked towards and received her Bachelor of Arts degree from the College of Saint Catherine on July 21st, 1966. Betty stayed in the convent and followed her vows 10 years, until she asked to be released of her vows in 1967, about a month after I was born. I found out only in the last 10 years that she was my God Mother. At almost the same time, Betty was offered a job with the St. Paul School System teaching 1st grade students at Riverview Elementary School. Nine years later, she married Robert Leedom in Las Vegas, on July 28th, 1976. Betty continued to work for the St. Paul school system as an elementary teacher until June 16th, 1997 after 30 years of service. Betty also remained loyal to Bob as his wife for 20 years until he passed on Jun 28, 1996 at the age of 72. They loved each other and supported each other in marriage and life. Betty remained highly active in the church since she was a nun. She had close ties to her aunt, Sister Gurtrude. Gurtrude spent most of her 88 years serving the church as a nun. Betty’s interests outside of the church included her love for children. Many of us here have worn clothing as toddlers that Betty made just for each of us. She has taken us into her home many times as children and adults just because she cared for us. She cared deeply for most of her family, though she never had any kids of her own. This is one of her biggest legacies. She also had a love for crafts. Those of you who saw her home (especially the basement) have seen that. She loved to make clothing, dolls, cards, beading, and many other things for other people. She enjoyed working on the family tree and was my first source of information when I started getting into genealogy. Since then we now have information on over 50,000 relatives. Betty was also interested in her Native American heritage. Though it was many generations ago now, we come from a native woman given the white name of Marguerite Racine. Her Indian name was O-Ge-mau-gee-Shi-go-Qua or Queen of The Skies. She was married to a French Canadian Bazile Beaulieu, a highly documented family. Betty attended occasional pow wows with me and some drum practices for a while. About 15 years ago she asked the same person that did the pipe ceremony for Pam and me at our wedding, to perform a naming ceremony for her. She had always wanted an Indian name. Unfortunately, that never happened. Though we come from an Ojibwe heritage, I myself have learned and follow the Lakota/Dakota ways. In the Dakota way, traditionally a person has 4 names through out their life. They are given a name at birth, and then another when becoming an adult. Later in life it is common to have another name that is used. Finally, in death a name is given to the person for the spirits to use in the after life. When she was born, Betty’s given name was Elizabeth Jane. When she joined the convent she took the name of Sister Mary Kathleen. After leaving the convent her commonly used name was Betty. Since Betty was never able to receive the Indian name she wanted, I have decided to give her an Indian name to take with her to the spirit world. I hereby give her the name of Koskala Awankiciyanka In Lakota, this means: She who looks after the young. Finally, I want to sing a memorial song in her honor. The tradition is to allow 1 year to mourn the loss of a loved one. At the end of a year a memorial is held to honor that person and then release their spirit. There should be no more mourning after our memorial today, for Betty. The song I am about to sing says in Lakota: Where have you gone? Your relatives are crying, looking for you. Tuwe sita ku Tokaia iyahay, Tokia iyahay Mitakuye Koyo Cayio onikeylepelo Cayi a u wey Cayi a u wey Oka tika loyo Thank you. | FREEMAN Elizabeth Jane (I3078)
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| 1815 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I2180)
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| 1816 | BEF 10 Feb 1736/1737 abt BEF 10 Feb 1736 | Brown Hannah (I50909)
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| 1817 | BEF 11 JAN 1733/1734 abt BEF 11 JAN 1733 | FREEMAN Jeremiah (I3119)
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| 1818 | BEF 17 Feb 1617/1618 abt BEF 17 Feb 1617 | Freeborne John (I50390)
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| 1819 | BEF 26 Jan 1710/1711 abt BEF 26 Jan 1710 | Newland Jeremiah (I52106)
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| 1820 | Bef. 17 Sept. 1742 | Goss Phillip (I54382)
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| 1821 | Bef. 5 Jan 1699/1700 abt Bef. 5 Jan 1699 | Howland Mary (I52334)
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| 1822 | before 1851 | SMITH Jane (I35417)
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| 1823 | Before Prince Annable | Family: Dewell Unknown / Howland Ruth (F23853)
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| 1824 | Beginning of Aug. 1661 | Burman Trustrum (I53769)
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| 1825 | Beginning of Sept 1658 | Burman Mehitable (I53506)
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| 1826 | Belmond United Methodist Church | Family: Jr. Paul W. Gronbach / JENKINSON Denise Marie Claire (F18276)
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| 1827 | Benedict was born in England about 1635. We know he was in America by 1659; but possibly could have arrived a few years before. Around the year 1661, he married his first wife. Unfortunately her name has been lost to history. In 1663 we have a record of Benedict buying a home and a son born to him. He bought a residence with outhouse, orchards, etc. from Moses Pengry of Ipswich, one of the town deacons; who had obtained the land in 1652 from Richard Schofield, leather dresser for 17 pounds. The home was situated on the intersection of East Street and Hovey Lane. Across from his lot lay what had been the home of John Winthrop Jr.; son of the founder of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Ownership of this property entitled Benedict to the right of pasturage in the domain beyond the "common fence", but the felling of timber or cultivation of the common land was prohibited. In the mid 1600's these lands were held by all householders in common. This system was a vestigial relic of the ancient system of land holding in England and Germany and was naturally reverted to in the necessities of primitive colonial life. By 1664, the idea of permanent individual ownership had gained enough acceptance that the town voted that Plum Island, Hogg Island and Castle Neck be divided among those who had rights of commonage, based upon the amount of personal and property tax paid by each individual determined by lot. This right belonged to 203 individuals including Benedict. Benedict's first wife died at Ipswich, Jul. 16, 1673. It was a common English practice to name the first born daughter after the wife. If this being the case here, then it is likely his first wife's name was Elizabeth. No way of proving this however. Benedict marries 2nd to Susanna Waters 1674. His children gave him a good deal of frustration and embarrassment. He had to defend them in court and even took one son to court for some wrong committed to him by his son. During the 1690's the notorious Salem witch trials occurred. We can only guess how Benedict reacted to such goings-on. His wife, Susanna, was from Salem, so certainly they were aware of the trials. In 1700 Benedict was assigned a place on "one of ye short seats" among the elderly in the Ipswich Meeting House and referred to as "Goodman". On Aug. 1, 1709, Benedict conveyed his property to his son, Capt. Joseph Pulcifer, of Boston. Benedict died the following year. | PULSIFER Benedict (I6863)
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| 1828 | Benjamin Capron was christened on 29 September 1706 at Rehoboth, Bristol, Massachusetts. | CAPRON Benjamin (I39876)
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| 1829 | Benjamin Fairbanks and George A. Fairbanks were sons of George Fairbanks, Sr., a brother of Robert Fairbanks, who was born at Sandy Lake, Minn., on the 26th day of August, 1827. he was for many years a prominent trader at Leech Lake, Crow Wing, and White Earth, where he moved his family in 1878, being one of the first traders at that place. George A. Fairbanks, Jr., was born at Crow Wing on the 10th day of August, 1851, and went with his parents to White Earth in 1868, and succeeded his father in trade, in which he remained until his death on the 19th of November, 1891. | FAIRBANKS George (I2785)
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| 1830 | BENJAMIN FREEMAN, ELDEST CHILD OF SAMUEL #5 (1744-1806) Benjamin Freeman was born October 24 1744, married Deborah Child of Woodstock June 13 1764, and died May 22 1806, age 60. He was a blacksmith by trade, but also kept open the tavernhouse established by his father.57 Deborah and Benjamin had one child, Kezia, born May 20 1765. She married Jeremiah Shumway in 1786, and they had seven children: Nabby (b 1787), Benjamin (b & d 1789), Jeremiah Jr. (b 1790), Benjamin Freeman (b 1792), Adalade (b 1794), Deborah Anne (b 1797), and Emeline (b 1802). She was widowed before the Emeline's birth, but remarried three years later, and completed her family with daughter Louisa, born in 1806. At the time of the 1800 census, Benjamin's family included himself and his wife, as well as his mother, Mary Chamberlain, and a housemaid between 16 and 25. (His mother had remarried in 1774, widower Joseph Chamberlain of Dudley. When he died, in 1780, she returned to Sturbridge and made her home in Benjamin's family, where she remained until her death in 1807.) On the 1798 Direct Tax he was listed as owning one dwelling house, one acre worth $600; a dwelling house, outhouse and one acre worth $700; 126 acres at $2381; 150 acres at $1425; 86 acres at $466; and 16 acres at $134. Together, the land parcels totalled $4406, and buildings $1300, for a total real estate value of $5706. (There are two other Freeman households listed on the direct tax—Benjamin's brother Comfort whose real estate of 170 acres and a dwellinghouse were valued at $3075, and Comfort's son Samuel, with a dwellinghouse and 150 acres worth $844.) The configuration of Benjamin's household changed a number of times in the opening years of the nineteenth century. When Jeremiah Shumway died, Kezia moved her family from the farmstead set off to her mother as her widow's dower—to which Jeremiah had acquired title in 1790—into her father's family on the "home farm."58 Four years later, in March of 1805, Benjamin's wife Deborah, passed away. Two weeks after her death, Kezia married Azor Brown of Woodstock, who moved into the family. The household, then, included Benjamin and his mother, as well as his daughter, her children and her new husband. The spring following, Kezia's eldest daughter married and her father Benjamin died; one year later Mary Chamberlain, at the age of eighty-eight, succumbed to influenza.59 Benjamin Freeman left his estate to Kezia and her children. In his will, dated August 6 1805, he bequeathed to his daughter the equivalent of a widow's third (to revert to her children upon her death); to grandsons Jeremiah and Benjamin one-third, to be equally divided between them; and to his granddaughters the remaining third, to be divided in equal portions.60 Benjamin's estate was substantial: after all just debts and expenses were paid (which amounted to nearly $3000, his real and personal property totalled at $5534.51. Real property included the home farm of 152 acres and buildings, $3812.50; the tavern house lot and buildings that were once his father's, $850; and a sixty-acre parcel, $600.61 By the time his friends Joshua Harding and Jonathan Perry completed their duties as executors nearly thirty years later, however, there was almost nothing material left for they had converted it into cash.62 A little more than two acres, with the buildings thereon and valued at $1200 (the home farm house and barn), were set off to Kezia as her third in 1809, and she and her sons (who had become part-owners) remained there probably until she died.63 At the time of the 1820 census her family included widower Jeremiah, 30, Benjamin, 28, and a male 16-25 (laborer?); Jeremiah's daughter Eliza, 4, two of Kezia's daughters (probably Louisa, 24, and Debbie Anne, 23), and Kezia, 53.64 One one person—probably Jeremiah—was listed as engaged in agriculture. In 1826 Benjamin died, insolvent; Jeremiah Jr. purchased his portion of the property—one-quarter of the dwelling house and one-half acre (as well as rights to another tract)—at auction for $570.01 from his administrator.65 There is no probate for Kezia, but it appears that after her death in 1829 the property was sold. Her daughters had married by then, and were in separate households. Census records indicate that Jeremiah Jr. slipped into the ranks of the propertyless in the community.66 When he next showed up on the federal census for 1850, Jeremiah Shumway, 60, laborer, was listed in a dwelling rented by Irish-born widow Eliza Julian, 29, whose household included as well her two young sons and a couple from Ireland, Catherine and Patrick Healy, laborer, both 44. Like his father, Benjamin Freeman prospered as a farmer/blacksmith and tavern keeper in Sturbridge. Sadly, however, his estate—was diminished over time. It may have resulted from the fact that his heirs (grandchildren) were relatively young and therefore the administration of the estate extended for a very long time. It may also have resulted from the probable incompetence of Kezia's second husband Azor Brown, who was neither named in the will nor given an appointment of responsibility in its execution. Ultimately, Benjamin's only surviving grandson became a propertyless laborer in a community, where both he and his father were substantial landholders and well-respected gentlemen. | FREEMAN Benjamin (I3024)
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| 1831 | Benjamin served in the Rev. War according to DAR records. On his tombstone in Swanzey Center Cemetery in Swanzey, Cheshire County, NH, it reads: Erected in memory of Mr. Benjamin Brown who died May 6, 1797 at age 81 "I'd leap at once my seventy years, I'd rush into his arms, and lose my breath and all my cares amidst those heav'nly charms." | Brown Benjamin (I51399)
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| 1832 | Benno Raue Sr. was a jeweler and watchmaker for 60 years. He became a well known and affluent businessman in his community. He was a member of the National Guard, Company E, of Elgin. He was a Schoolboard member in Crystal Lake. He helped organize the Crystal Lake Park board, was the Mayor of Crystal Lake for two terms, President of Home State Bank, Mason, Modern woodsman. (Correspondant: Mrs. Ethel a. Raue, 25 W. Crystal Lake, McHenry Coounty, IL) Crystal Lake Herald March 23, 1961 Ben Raue Dies at Age 94 Mayor and Long Civic Leader Any list of those who have played leading roles in making Crystal Lake "a good place to live" would without question have to include the name of Ben Raue. As first president of the original Crystal Lake Park Board and a member of it for many years, he was one of the foresighted men without whom this city would have been deprived of a public bathing beach and lake park. The first paving of Crystal Lake streets was done during the years he was mayor, 1923-1927. For 30 years Mr. Raue served on the Crystal Lake school board and was a member of Nunda Lodge 169 AF & AM. He was president of the Home State Bank from 1935 until its sale to the present owners. Born April 16, 1866, in Landeshut, Germany, he died in his home at 25 W. Crystal Lake Avenue Monday morning, March 20. He learned the jewelry trade in his native country, and when he came to Crystal Lake in the fall of 1893, he opened a jewelry and hardware store which he operated from that long ago date until his retirement five years ago. Surviving are the widow, the former Mabelle Osgood; three daughters, the Misses Ethel, Leone and Lucille, all of Crystal Lake; a son, Benno L., of Crystal Lake; and a brother, Paul, of West Chicago. Five sisters preceded him in death. Mason services were conducted at the Warner Funeral Home at 8 p.m. yesterday by Nunda Lodge 169 and religious services are being conducted this afternoon, Thurday, at 2 p. m. by the Rev. M. J. A. Dalrymple. Graveside services in Crystal Lake Union cemetery will be conducted by the Masonic Lodge. Pallbearers will be members of the Nunda Lodge169 AF & AM. A memorial has been established for the Illinois Association for the Crippled, Inc. (Easter Seal Society) and donations should be addressed to Memorial committee, Easter Seal Therapy Center, 708 Washington St. Woodstock, Ill. | Raue Benno (I52790)
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| 1833 | Bertha and her little sister, Emily died within 13 days of each other. Both were small children at the time of their deaths. | Brown Bethiah (I52736)
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| 1834 | Bertha is buried in City Hill Cemetery, Torrey, Yates Cnty, NY. Nothing else is known about her but she could have been a Waite from Providence, Saratoga County, NY. No marriage records have been found. Bethiah possibly an Olney. Wright is in Saratoga in the 1790 census (he was listed mistakenly as Wright Bacon) he lived between two Olneys...Stephen and Enos then in Saratoga. There is a Bethiah Olney married to a Hugh Brown. Bethiah is from Rhode Island. | OLNEY Bethiah (I50271)
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| 1835 | Bertha was also known by name Alice | BRUSTMAN Bertha Louise (I34512)
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| 1836 | Bertha's tombstone is hard to read but the stone is clear she died at age 48 years, 6 months and 20 days. The word Mar. is also decernable but the dates are not. Her name appears on the obalisk as her son, Otto W. Wilson who died on March 9, 1896 at age 23 years, 5 months and 30 days. It is possible her birthdate was June 6, 1840 according to the Momence Progress newspaper. or May 5th 1840, None of which look correct. | Håkansson Berstran (Bertha) (I54373)
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| 1837 | Besides being a factory worker a great portion of his life, some of the time was spent with the advertising department of a major food change in the Michigan area. Russell was also a free-lance cartoonist. He did jobs for the Lake Co. Mi. Tourist Asso.; several taverns, individuals, his kids and grand kids. He was even offered a job at Disney Studios once when he was younger, but his mother being in poor health and she not wanting to move to California, asked him not to go. He loved trout fishing and his cabin in the woods north of Baldwin, Mi. where he spent the last years of his life. His ashes are buried on this land so that he might spend all of eternity in the place he loved most. | PULSIFER Russell Alfred (I7858)
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| 1838 | Bestofore (Grandpa Haugen) From the Telemarken region of Norway near the fjords. Lived to about 90 years of age. | HAUGEN Jorgen (I3877)
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| 1839 | Bet 12 May, 1712 and 19 Jun 1712 | Newland Anthony (I52048)
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| 1840 | BET 1 FEB 1734 or 1735 | BROWN Ephraim (I1534)
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| 1841 | BET 1040 AND 1041 slain by his cousin MacBeth, the chief of Moray. | I Duncan (I8468)
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| 1842 | BET 1075 AND 1081 | GUILLAUME Richard (I3631)
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| 1843 | BET 1079 AND 1080 | of SCOTLAND Matilda "Atheling" Princess (I5465)
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| 1844 | BET 1197 AND 1198 | Margaret (I5409)
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| 1845 | BET 1237 AND 1242 | of CASTILE Eleanor Princess (I22850)
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| 1846 | BET 1363 AND 1379 | De BEAUCHAMP Roger (I21215)
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| 1847 | BET 1414 AND 1418 | Family: ROBERT Wingfield. Sir / GOUSHILL Elizabeth (F8201)
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| 1848 | BET 1430 AND 1450 | GOUSHILL Elizabeth (I3480)
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| 1849 | bet 1538 and 1540 | Annable John (I53563)
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| 1850 | bet 1551 and 1580 | Annable John (I53258)
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| 1851 | bet 1568 and 1635 | Annable John (I53563)
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| 1852 | BET 1571 AND 1590 | WATERS Henry (I9927)
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| 1853 | BET 1592 AND 1593 | ESTEY Jeffery (I2727)
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| 1854 | BET 1616 AND 1630 | SMITH Margery (I9014)
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| 1855 | BET 1631 AND 1637 | PAQUET Philippe (Pasquier) (I6169)
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| 1856 | BET 1635 AND 1640 | PULSIFER Benedict (I6863)
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| 1857 | Bet 1654-1675 Bet 1654-1675 | JACKSON Susannah (I197)
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| 1858 | BET 1662 AND 1666 | PRAT Louis (I6669)
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| 1859 | BET 1683 AND 1684 | MICHAUD Louis (I5661)
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| 1860 | BET 1685 AND 1687 | BELANGER Francois (I2969)
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| 1861 | Bet 1685-1686 | ANDREWS Jonathon (I51530)
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| 1862 | BET 1711 AND 1739 | BEAULIEU Louise Joseph Hudon Dit (I757)
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| 1863 | BET 1712 AND 1719 | BEAULIEU Marie Madeleine Hudon Dit (I769)
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| 1864 | BET 1713 AND 1714 | LAKEMAN Margaret (I4784)
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| 1865 | BET 1714 AND 1718 | BEAULIEU Jean (Gabriel?) Francois Hudon Dit (I732)
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| 1866 | BET 1720 AND 1723 Died at age 8 | BEAULIEU Marie Madeleine Hudon Dit (I769)
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| 1867 | Bet 1722-1734 Bet 1722-1734 | Newland five (I52418)
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| 1868 | BET 1731 AND 1737 | BEAULIEU Genevieve Hudon Dit (I723)
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| 1869 | BET 1741 AND 1742 age 10 | BEAULIEU Genevieve Hudon Dit (I723)
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| 1870 | BET 1751 AND 1752 | SPILLER Mary (I9190)
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| 1871 | BET 1754 AND 1755 | GLAZIER Susannah (I3418)
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| 1872 | BET 1754 AND 1755 | Pulsifer. Elizabeth (I8074)
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| 1873 | BET 1758 AND 1759 | PULSIFER Joseph (I7511)
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| 1874 | bet 1761-1800 bet 1761-1800 | Babbitt Abigail (I52451)
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| 1875 | Bet 1768/1769 abt Bet 1768 | Andrews Lydia (I51534)
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| 1876 | BET 1770 AND 1780 | SMITH Phineas (I9046)
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| 1877 | BET 1778 AND 1780 | Family: PULSIFER John / VAUGHN Mary (F7461)
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| 1878 | BET 1780 AND 1782 | SMITH Reuben (I9048)
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| 1879 | BET 1792 AND 1793 | PULSIFER Elizabeth A. (I7155)
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| 1880 | BET 1794 AND 1795 | Family: PULSIFER John / UNKNOWN Deborah (F7464)
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| 1881 | BET 1796 AND 1797 | PULSIFER Amos (I6802)
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| 1882 | BET 1797 AND 1798 | PULSIFER Unknown (I7994)
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| 1883 | BET 1800 AND 1805 | MCCONNELL Daniel (I5537)
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| 1884 | BET 1802 AND 1804 | MARIA Polly (I5414)
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| 1885 | BET 1804 AND 1805 | CROSS Amy (Emma) (I2183)
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| 1886 | BET 1815 AND 1820 | FREEMAN Jerry (I3120)
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| 1887 | BET 1819 AND 1820 | WRIGHT Suel (I10276)
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| 1888 | BET 1820 AND 1825 | FREEMAN Lauretta (I3137)
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| 1889 | BET 1823 AND 1824 | PULSIFER Lorinda (I7601)
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| 1890 | BET 1825 AND 1827 | BULLOCK Lyman (I42338)
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| 1891 | BET 1825 AND 1830 | FREEMAN Phebe (I3177)
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| 1892 | BET 1825 AND 1830 | PULSIFER Oliver (I7778)
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| 1893 | BET 1825 AND 1840 | EASTMAN Leonard (I42837)
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| 1894 | BET 1825 AND 1840 | EASTMAN Joseph (I42842)
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| 1895 | BET 1825 AND 1840 | EASTMAN Margaret (I42995)
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| 1896 | BET 1825 AND 1840 | EASTMAN Melissa (I43139)
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| 1897 | BET 1829 AND 1830 | CHASE James G. (I1956)
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| 1898 | BET 1829 AND 1830 | Family: BROOKS Robert / WELLMAN Matilda (F21026)
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| 1899 | BET 1831 AND 1832 | PULSIFER Rhoda Ann (I7822)
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| 1900 | BET 1832 AND 1833 | Family: CLEVELAND Henry Alanson / SLADE Ann (F15020)
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| 1901 | BET 1834 AND 1835 | WHEELOCK Caroline (I10017)
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| 1902 | BET 1834 AND 1836 | EASTMAN Benjamin (I43235)
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| 1903 | BET 1836 AND 1837 | PARKER Nancy Maria (I6209)
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| 1904 | BET 1836 AND 1837 | PULSIFER Sarah M. (I7929)
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| 1905 | BET 1837 AND 1844 | NOYES Henry (I5967)
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| 1906 | BET 1838 AND 1839 | Family: OBER William / GLIDDEN Fanny (F6051)
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| 1907 | BET 1840 AND 1848 | EASTMAN John M (I42874)
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| 1908 | BET 1840 AND 1848 | EASTMAN Sarah A (I43039)
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| 1909 | BET 1840 AND 1850 | SMITH Phineas (I9046)
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| 1910 | BET 1841 AND 1842 | Family: SMITH Russell C. / ELLIOTT Betsy Rosetta (F9053)
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| 1911 | BET 1843 AND 1844 | PULSIFER George (I7274)
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| 1912 | BET 1844 AND 1846 | EASTMAN Laura (I43022)
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| 1913 | BET 1848 AND 1849 | PULSIFER Benjamin (I6868)
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| 1914 | BET 1848 AND 1849 | Family: ROGERS Garrett / SILLOWAY Prudence (F8231)
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| 1915 | BET 1851 AND 1852 | CHASE George (I1954)
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| 1916 | BET 1854 AND 1855 | CHASE D. C. (I1953)
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| 1917 | BET 1860 AND 1866 | PULSIFER Henry (I7356)
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| 1918 | BET 1865 AND 1866 | Family: EASTMAN Andrew Lorenzo / KENT Elizabeth Helen (F21014)
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| 1919 | BET 1868 AND 1869 | PULSIFER Ernest (I7196)
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| 1920 | BET 1870 AND 1876 | PULSIFER ANSEL (Anthony) (I6833)
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| 1921 | BET 1871 AND 1872 | PULSIFER Ella (I7162)
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| 1922 | BET 1875 AND 1876 | Family: SMITH Joseph L. / DUDLEY Emma I. (F8979)
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| 1923 | BET 1876 AND 1877 | PULSIFER Adelbert (I6765)
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| 1924 | BET 1881 AND 1883 | WRIGHT David (I10251)
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| 1925 | BET 1881 AND 1891 | WRIGHT David (I10251)
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| 1926 | BET 1883 AND 1886 | WRIGHT Ada Louise (I10243)
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| 1927 | BET 1883 AND 1887 | WRIGHT Ada Louise (I10243)
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| 1928 | BET 1906 AND 1907 | Family: FORBES Ernest James / WRIGHT Muriel I. (F2926)
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| 1929 | BET 1912 AND 1913 | CHANDONNET Mildred (I1931)
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| 1930 | BET 1928 AND 1931 | LARSON Martin (I4905)
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| 1931 | BET 1994 AND 1996 last address was P.O. Box 1256, Imperial Beach, San diego, CA 92032 | EKSTROM John Verner (I2631)
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| 1932 | Bet 6 Jun and 17 Jul 1644 Bet 6 Jun and 17 Jul 1644 | Hopkins Stephen (I53736)
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| 1933 | BET 8 FEB 1722 AND 1724 | BEAULIEU Gabriel Basile Hudon Dit (I722)
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| 1934 | Bet 9 and 14th Oct 1738 | Snow John (I53489)
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| 1935 | BET ABT 1624 AND 1625 | GOBEIL Jean (I3433)
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| 1936 | BET ABT 1803 AND 1810 | (Sr) James Brown (I267)
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| 1937 | BET ABT 1834 AND 1836 | Family: MCCONNELL Daniel / FREEMAN Lauretta (F5537)
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| 1938 | Bet Apr/May 1828 abt Bet Apr | Peckham Isaiah (I53944)
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| 1939 | BET FEB 1732 AND 1738 Age 2 | BEAULIEU Julien Hudon Dit (I750)
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| 1940 | BET JUN 1731 AND 1734 | BEAULIEU Julien Germain Hudon Dit (I749)
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| 1941 | BET MAY 1732 AND 1736 | BEAULIEU Etienne Hudon Dit (I717)
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| 1942 | Bet. 20 Nov 1727 and 9 Mar 1729 | HAYWARD Mary (I3915)
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| 1943 | Bethia Burt was also known as Bethiah Burt. She was also known as Bethyah Burtt. | BURT Bethia (I39823)
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| 1944 | between 1530 and 1535 | GUYON Mathurin (I39230)
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| 1945 | between 1644 and 1651 between 1644 and 1651 | Hopkins Caleb (I53392)
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| 1946 | Between 1702 - 1703 | DODGE Sarah (I34704)
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| 1947 | between 1780 - 1790 | NICHOLS Aaron D. (I36927)
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| 1948 | between 1842 & 1843 | MAXWELL Minerva (I38548)
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| 1949 | Between 1850 and 1859 | REECE Emma (I43271)
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| 1950 | between 1917 - 1920 | Family: MAXWELL Leeman Bassel / COX Esta B. (F19256)
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| 1951 | between 1940-1949 | DAVISSON Homer J. (I39415)
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| 1952 | between 5 Mar1688/89 and 16 Apr 1690 abt between 5 Mar1688 | Hopkins Giles (I53619)
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| 1953 | between 6 Sep and 11 Nov 1620 between 6 Sep and 11 Nov 1620 | Hopkins Oceanus (I53616)
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| 1954 | between Jan 1665/66 and 18 Nov 1669 | Hopkins Damaris (I53796)
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| 1955 | between Jun 1, 1847 and June 1, 1848 | FREEMAN Lucretia A. (I40046)
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| 1956 | Beverly has her masters degree in Nursing Education. | COOK Beverly Ann (I2089)
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| 1957 | Bible records of John and Alice Howe Brown and Hope and Ruth Hosmer Brown, and of Martin and Polly Brown. | Source (S1141)
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| 1958 | Bible records say she was bn. 10 Jun. 1847 | PULSIFER Mary (I7669)
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| 1959 | Bill changed his name from Olivadoti to Labatore William was a bar tender and owned his own bar and grille | LABATOR William Anthony (I4922)
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| 1960 | Bio: Born in or shortly after 1583. Came from Leiden, Holland to Plymouth in 1620 in the MAYFLOWER. Died in Plymouth 7 April 1663. Married in Leiden 20 Jul 1603[NS] or shortly thereafter Hester Mahieu; she died after 8 June 1666.Their 7 children: Jane Mitchell, John, a child buried in Leiden, Elizabeth, Jacob, Hester Wright, & Mary Thomson.Source: Anderson's Pilgrim Migration.Find A Grave contributor Mary Wiese found this information in an unidentified source:Francis Cooke was born about 1583. His origins have not been discovered, but it is probable he was born in England, perhaps from the Canterbury or Norwich areas. He married Hester le Mahieu on 20 July 1603 in Leiden, Holland; she was a French Walloon whose parents had initially fled to Canterbury, England; she left for Leiden sometime before 1603. Francis Cooke and Hester le Mahieu's marriage occurred in Leiden, Holland six years before the Pilgrim church made its move there, so he was living there long before their arrival and must have met up with and joined them afterwards. His wife Hester was a French Walloon. What brought Francis to Holland in the first place is unknown: religious persecution of Protestants in England did not really begin until after King James took power in 1604. In 1606, the Cookes left Leiden and went to Norwich, Norfolk for a time (for what reason is not known), but returned to have their first son, John, baptized at the French church in Leiden, sometime between January and March, 1607. In Holland, Cooke took up the profession of a woolcomber.Francis, and his oldest son John, came on the Mayflower to Plymouth in 1620.. He left behind his wife Hester and his other children Jane, Jacob, Elizabeth and Hester. After the Colony was founded and better established, he sent for his wife and children, and they came to Plymouth in 1623 on the ship Anne.Francis lived out his life in Plymouth. Although he kept a fairly low profile, he was on a number of minor committees such as the committee to lay out the highways, and received some minor appointments by the Court to survey or lay out land. He was a juror on a number of occasions, and was on the coroner's jury that examined the body of Martha Bishop, the 4-year old daughter who was murdered by her mother Alice. He received some modest land grants at various times throughout his life. He lived to be about 80 years old, dying in 1663; his wife Hester survived him by at least three years and perhaps longer.Find A Grave contributor Donna & Wayne Cain add. without any source: Father: 71581371Mother: 71581828 | COOKE Francis (I57080)
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| 1961 | Bio: Came to America on the ship Anne in 1623. She was of Walloon (French Protestant) stock but came to Leyden, Holland from Canterbury, England where there was a Walloon church, in the records of which the name of Mahieu was common. The marriage intentions state Hester Mahieu was from Canterbury, England and she was accompanied by her mother, Jennie Mahieu and her sister Jennie Mahieu. In his book "Hypocrisie Unmasked", Edward Winslow stated she was a "Walloone" and came from the French "Mayflower Descendant" 27:145 shows she was admitted to the French Reformed Church in Leiden in 1603. "Take notice of our practie at Leyden, viz. that one Samuel Terry was received from the French Church there, into communion with us; also the wife of Francis Cooke being a Walloone, holds communion with the Church at Plymouth , as she came from the French, to this day, by virtue of communion of churches." [Winslow's "Hypocrisie Unmasked" in "Mayflower Descendant" 27:64] Daughter of Jacques an d Jenne/Jeanne (___) Mahieu, Walloon refugees from the area around Lille (now in France). If 19 at marriage and 42 at the birth of her last known child about late 1626, then Hester was born about 1584 and thus was about two years younger than her husband. As Hester was about 82 in 1666, it seems likely she died closer to 1666 than to 1675. Hester Mahie was admited to communion in the Walloon church by confession of faith on June 1, 1603, about a month and a half before her marriage. Half Siblings: Marie Mahieu De Lannoy Maire Le Mahieu DeLannoy 1580-1650 | MAHIEU Esther (I57091)
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| 1962 | Bio: Damaris was born at Plymouth Colony say 1628 to Pilgrims Stephen & Elizabeth (Fisher) Hopkins. She married Jacob Cooke at Plymouth shortly after 10 Jun 1646. Since this Damaris was still bearing children in the early 1670s, she cannot be the same Damaris who came on the Mayflower.Source: Anderson's Pilgrim MigrationFind A Grave contributor William adds, without citation: She was born 22 May 1627, and died 18 Nov 1669. | HOPKINS Damaris (I57079)
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| 1963 | Bio: info edited from Mayflower Descendent BooksJacob Cooke born Leyden, South Holland, was the son of Francis Cooke, a Mayflower passenger, and Hester Mahieu. He came to the Colonies on the "Anne" with his mother, Hester. He married first on 10 June 1646, Plymouth County, MA. to Damarias Hopkins, the daughter of Mayflower passenger Stephen Hopkins and Elizabeth Fisher. Jacob and Damarius had 7 children: Elizabeth, Caleb, Jacob Jr., Mary, Martha, Francis 2nd, and Ruth Cooke. After her death, Jacob married Elizabeth Lettice Shirtleff; "Jacob Cooke, Sen'r. was marryed to Elizabeth Shirtleff, widow, the 18th of November 1669" from "Records of the Colony of New Plymouth:Court Records, 1633-1689" pg 32, by Nathaniel B. Shirtleff. Jacob and Elizabeth had a daughter, Sarah. From a Memorial of Francis Cooke, by Henry Cooke, "...Jacob Cooke, son of Francis, was first mentioned in the Colony Records as a volunteer in Capt. Prince's Company for the Indian War, June 1637, and in 1648 was made a freeman. The records make frequent mention of his name in colonial affairs, as holding offices in the town of Plymouth, etc. On the removal of Governor Prince to Eastham, he sold his house and lands at Rocky Nook, adjoining the land of his father, Francis Cooke, and removed with the Governor's party to above mentioned town, where he resided until his death, which occurred July 7th 1676..." Jacob's will was dated 11 December 1675Son of Francis Cooke and Esther. Husband of Damaris Hopkins (of the "Mayflower"?) and Elizabeth Lettice on 18 Nov 1669, widow of William Shurtleff.Father of Martha Cook Cushman, Francis, Elizabeth, Caleb, Jacob and Mary. Came to the Colonies on the "Anne" in 1623. | COOKE Jacob (I57078)
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| 1964 | Bio: soldier of the Revolutionary War / no marker visible | COOKE Elisha (I57056)
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| 1965 | Biographical Notes for John Callender: Had land in Rehoboth North Purchase (Now Attleboro) which he sold to John Woodcock in 1693/4. Sold land on the 'Bungee River' at Attleboro to Banfield Capron in 1705. ----- Titus------ --------------------------- Proprietors' Records of Rehoboth: To all Christian People to Whome There shall Come - John Callender of the Town of Rehoboth in the County of Bristoll in the Province of the Massachusets in New England yeoman Sendeth Greeting Know Yee that I the sd John Callender have ffor the full sum of Twenty Pounds Current money of New England in Hand received & paid by John Woodcock Senr. of the same Town Wherewith I the sd John Callender acknowledgeth myselfe sufficiently sattisfied - - - have Given granted bargained & sould --- to him ---- all that my whole Right In a saw mill Lying upon the myry Brooke bing a full Quarter Part of sd mill with all the appurtenances thereto Belonging & Likewise a parcell of medow ground & swampe Lying on the east side of sd miry Brooke being by Estemation fouer acres be it more or less the sd mill and medow ground Lying neare to tyhe North East Corner of the Town of Rehoboth being in those Lands commonly called the North Purchased Lands being bounded upstream Northerly a point of trees & upland that come to the Broke southerly Down stream as far as the sd John Woodcocks upland Lott upon which sd mill stands to have & To hold the aforesd Quarter Part of a sawmill & Damm being the whole Right of the sd John Callender in the sd mill and Damm & the sd Fouer acres of Medow ground & swamp as before bounded ----- & the sd John Callender doth - - - Covenant - - - with the sd John Woodcock - - - - that he the sd John Callender is the True & only owner of the above granted Premicies at the Time of the bargin - - - & hath - - - - Lawfull authority to give grant bargin sell Confine & Assure the sd mentioned Prsents as a good sure perfect & absolute Estate of Inheritance in fee simple according to the free Tenour of there majesties manner of East Greenwich in the County of Kent, In the Realm of England in free & common soccage & not in Capitee nor Knights service but without any manner of Condition or Revertion Title of Dower or Limetation of uses so as to Alter Change Defeat or make voyde the same:- - In Wittness Whereof the sd John Callender hath set his hand & Seale this fifteenth day of March in the yeare of our Lord one thousand six hundred and Ninty three or four & in the sixt yeare of the Reign of our Sovereigns William and Mary of England Scotland France & Ireland King & Queen Defenders of the faith &c. Signed, sealed & Delivered John Callender (seal ) in the presence of us William Carpenter the X mark of Miriam Carpenter Memorandum note that John Callender on the 20th day of January 1706/7 before me the subcriber one of her majesties Justices of the peace for the County of Bristol. Did acknowledge this Instrument to his vollentary Actt & Deed Nicholas Peck Also found in the Proprietors' Records: The Bounds of the Lands of Jn Calender and Banfield Capron. Impr. ffourty five acres of land Be it more Lest. Being their first and part of theire second Lotts Lying by Ould Thomas Coopers Land Beyond Jn Lanes the first corner is a black oake in said Coopers Line thence North one hundred Rod to a White oake markt thence North Nor West Eighty Rod to a Toa (sic) black oake markt for a Corner thence West fourty Rod to a white oake markt for a corner thence South South East Eighty Rod to a white oake marts thence South a hundred Rod to White oake markt for a Corner thence East to said Coopers corner being an ash tree then by said Coopers Line to the ffirst corner. Impr Likewise the Remaining part of theire Second Lotts being five acres be it more or less four acres whereof Lyeth by Jn Calenders ould Lott Bounded South theiir own Land East the Bay Rhoad North Jn Martains Land thence South from the South West corner of said Martains Land to there own Land. Impr. Likewise one acre lying on the East sid of the bay Rhoad over against the sd Calender ould house for Conveniency of Building a house. ------------------- Bristol County Deeds Book 4:508 Bristol Mar. 3rd 1697/8. John Callender of Attleborough, Bristol Count, Mass., for the Sum of forty six Pounds currt silver - - payd by Banfield Capron of the town - - - aforesaid - - - sell - - - to him - - - the one half of a whole share of Upland Swamp & Medow ground in the lands called Rehoboth North Purchase Lands on the Bungee river and also other piece of land. 22 Nov. 1706 Witnesses, Nicholas Ide, Daniel Smith. | CALLENDER John (I39789)
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| 1966 | Biography of Revolutionary Heros LIFE OF CAPTAIN STEPHEN OLNEl', OF RHODE-ISLAND. LIFE OF CAPTAIN STEPHEN OLNEY Stephen Olney, the subject of this memoir, was born in the town of North Providence, and Colony^ as it was then called, of Rhode-Island and Pro vidence Plantations, on the 17th of September, 1756, on a farm, which from the first settlement of the State, had been the property of his family, having- been purchased by Thomas Olney, a contemporary of Roger Williams, and a joint proprietor in the " Providence Purchase." From this person, Stephen Olney was a decendant in the fifth generation. It is a circumstance worthy of remark, as being almost unparalleled in New Eng-land, that one family in regular succession continued to occupy the same spot of ground, to till the same soil, for a period of nearly two hundred years. Although the rage of emigration was not in an earlier period of our history what it is now; yet it has often been remarked in this section of the country, that it was rare that one family tenanted the same place for more than three generations. The family of Olneys have been a numerous and scattered one; branches of it are now to be found in the east and west, north and south of our extensive territory; but at the period of the revolutionary war, most of them resided in the vicinity of Providence, and were content to remain where their ancestors had conquered the v/ilderness and reduced the stubborn soil to a state of cultivation. Captain Olney was, as we observed before, the fifth in succession, who had been content to spend his days and be married and buried in the same place with his fathers. The ancestors of Captain Olney were a primitive race, and some of the more remote, of puritanic memory. In Rhode-Island, however, where there was no persecution to keep alive their zeal, gradually the peculiarities of their religion vanished. The real Cameronian spirit could not exist for any length of time without opposition. lu Connecticut alone, where the fierceness of their demeanor, and tyranny of their exactions, stirred lip a perpetual spirit of revolt and resistance, did it survive for any length of time ? In Rhode Island, as every one knows perfect freedom in respect to religious opinions and ordinances was proclaimed from the first : Roger Williams himself, a persecuted and a banished man, on account of his opinions, had laid the foundation broad and deep, for religious liberty ; and from this cause, probably the spirit of puritanism languished from the time it crossed the borders from the neighbor- ing State, as Trumbull says, "They found their zerJ \y\\cn not confined, Soon sink hviow the fVcezinjx point." We are not to suppose however that the spirit of devotion, the essence of piety, fied with the spirit of puritanism in Rhode-Island, or elsewhere. In peace and rural quiet the virtues of our forefathers had leisure to expand. While no longer subjected to restraints and persecutions that in a manner sanctified them in their eyes, their odious peculiarities vanished. Puritanism however, had its beneficial effects in America; it was the means under Providence of preparing the minds of the people of New Eng- land for the glorious stand they were one day to take in the cause of civil liberty and independence. True that some of their doctrines and practices bordered on the ridiculous. Yet withal, there was a plainness, a simplicity, a spirit of self-renuncia- tion, and self-devotion, that characterized them, long after the more revolting traits had ceased to exist, that paved the way for a government miOre accordant to gospel simplicity than any that had ever been known on the earth, since the days of the Patriarchs. Aside from loyality from that feeling of depend- ence, and the duty of allegiance which they were taught they owed the monarchical government of Great Britain, there was something in the eti- qur^'te of a court, the glare and glitter, and vain paro'^o of royalty excited feelings of loathing and disgust, whenever they were obliged to be specta- tors of it, or to listen to the bombastic descriptions with which the few papers that then found their way to the colony, were sure to be stuffed. The very language in common use in that day, when speaking of these things, had become an abomin- ation; and there was a gradual but a sure change going on, a preparation of heart, as the Quakers term it, from the time that the country first gave the assurance of being populous and prosperous. Of course, no efforts could have been made in the country at an earlier period, for its emancipation, and would not have been as premature as it was, had not the rash and unwise exactions of the Brit- ish government have pushed them on to take up arms when they did. It was in Mw England, be it remembered, where the fire of patriotism first kindled. In Massachusetts the ancient head-quar- 148 LTFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. ters of Puritanism., where the first blow was struck for liberty. Captain Olney had passed his short and tranquil life, in the peaceful pursuits of agriculture; having no wishes beyond the boundaries of his farm, in plenty and rural quiet; the sound of war, and in- deed of contention of any kind had never disturbed his habitation. He had just married, married the woman of his choice, and though only bordering on his 20ih year, had quietly settled down to pass the residue of his days in cultivating his farm, in rearini^ up a family and walking in the footseps ot his fathers. How vain are the calculations of man! Could some warning angel have suddenly stood at his bed-side and lifted the curtain of futu- rity belbre the eyes of the youthful bridegroom, in those, his days of the greatest felicity, he w^as ever to know on earth; could the scenes of car- nage and bloodshed, he was doomed to witness and to participate in, have been revealed to him then, the nights of wearisome watching in the tented field, the days of harassing fatigue, the pains of hunger, the pinching cold, the "flight in the winter season," and all the woes he was to Vv^itness and to suffer, it is doubtful whether the very prospect would not have overwhelmed him; whether he would not have shrunk from partici- pation in the contest. Yet it was from this his earliest dream of love and happiness that the stern mandate of duty to his country compelled him to awake, and the greatest of all possible tributes we can pay to his memory, is to say, he arose and left all, and fol- lowed it. Our business is not in this place to give a histo- ry of the war, or the immediate or remote causes that produced it. Yet we are obliged to speak of the situation of affairs in the immediate neighbor- LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. 149 hood to which the hero of our story beloiio-ed. Rhode-Island was, at the time our story com- mences, in about as much trouble as any of her sister States, and in fact, the most exposed of all ; and next to her nighest neighbor, the Bay State, in rather the most trying situation. She was not only menaced on her sea board, but divided at home ; and thwarted, and contradicted, and per- plexed, by some of the most contrary, stubborn, disobliging, crabbed, self-sufficient, wavering, and two-sided public officers, that ever one little State was troubled with. Many of them who had v/on- derfully helped to get up the excitement, by ipeeches, remonstrances, and resolves, and who had winked at the teaaffiiir, the destruction of the Gaspee, &c. now that the contest had come to blows, began to back out, and be amazed that the people should think of taking uo arms, and shock- ed beyond expression that such a rebellious spirit should have got abroad, and although lew of these comparatively threw up their possessions, and de- parted from the country, which their shuffling policy impelled them to desert ; yet they found this a rampart behind which to shelter themselves in the coming storm, a fence upon which they continued to seesaw, until towards the close of the Revolution, when ail danger of their getting into hot water being over, many of them suddenly be- gan to be very patriotic, and with great public spirit came in for their share of the spoils. At the time of which we are speakincr, howev- er, these prudent individuals held back, and kept themselves aloof, nor could all the remonstrances of their irritated and aggrieved fellow -citizens bring them forward. . Captain Stephen Olney, the subject of this me- moir, had, as early as the year !774j become i^. 13* 150 LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. private in a chartered military company, called the North-Providence Rangers ; their object being, as he states in his manuscript, "to learn military tactics, and to be prepared to act in defence of our country's rights." The history and political writings of the day will account for the enthusi- asm with which they engaged in this undertaking. He adds, ''In May, 1775, the Colony of Rhode-Island or- dered three regiments to be raised for the protec- tion of the Colony, and as part of an army of ob- servation, and I," says Captain Olney, " was hon- ored with an Ensign's commission in Captain John AngelTs company, second Rhode-Island regiment, commanded by Colonel Hitchcock. Who recom- mended me I do not know ; but it was not by my own intercession. But perhaps they chose me because they could get no better, so many were deterred from embarking in the cause for fear they might be hanged up for rebels by order of our then gracious sovereign, George III. I accepted this commission with much diffidence as to my qualifi- cations ; my education was but common for that day, and worst of all, what I had learned was mostly wrong." Perhaps a more sensible remark does not occur in the narrative. Besides being very superficial, so many radical errors were then prevalent in the manner and matter of education, in that comparatively dark age, that we look back with astonishment. As to himself, the Captain observes, " I had no fear that our gracious sove- reign would think me worth hanging for a rebel." Too many subsequently found out, that if subal- terns were in no danger of hanging, there were ways of despatch provided for them when taken. Captain Angell, he says, was a very pleasant man, and a real patriot ; Coggeshall Olney, his first Lieutenant, was active and full of fire, jealous that LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. 151 people were apt to slight him, but an honest, faith- ful officer. They were eight or ten years older than myself, and very friendly so I looked on them as my protectors. And we found no difficul- ty in recruiting our company for eight months with good men, at the end of which time it was expect- ed the dispute w^ould be settled, or that our spirits would be settled in another world. The first destination of the company to which Captain Olney now belonged, was Roxbury, to join the forces there, under the command of Gen. Nathaniel Greene, which consisted of three regi- ments, viz. : Colonel Daniel Hitchcock's, Colonel Thnmas Church's and Colonel James M. Varnum's. They were raised, as Captain Olney says, without any trouble, armed and equipped in much better plight, than many of the undisciplined and half- equipped companies forming the motley parade at Roxbury. But now a new difficulty most unexpected and unlooked for intervened to prevent their immedi- ate departure. The patriotic Representatives of Rhode-Island were harassed with opposition from within, as well as from without. In Rhode-Island where the first decisive act of hostility had been perpetrated in the destruction of the Liberty, and the burning of the Gaspee, there were many vio- lent tories, who opposed all the measures of the friends of liberty in every way, until the contest had progressed so far that they themselves were obliged to quit the country and seek safety under the shadow of arbitrary power ; but by far the most difficult to get along with were those who were in favor of half way measures. Those mon- grel patriots, that we have made mention of in a former page of this book many of them in Rhode- fsland, had been very instrumental, as the British had it, " in setting this hurly burly agoing," and 152 LIFE OP STEPHEN OLNEY. either had not. courage to carry it through, or could not give up their preference to hereditary greatness, their love for the pomp and parade of royalty and nobility, or were extremely conscien- tious respecting their oaths of allegiance and duty to the parent country, or it might be, not quite certain of the event, and resolved to keep on the safe side. Numbers of those persons had gone hitherto every step with their patriotic brethren, until the contest was about to come to blows. Persons who in the onset were foremost in re- monstrances and speeches, &c. now that their own measures began to take effect, drew back. Among those who halted at this time, to the as- tonishment of many, and the regret of all, was the Governor, Joseph Wanton, of Newport. He had in the beginning gone with the people, but now that affairs had began to assume a more serious aspect, that the measures they had been agreeing to had had their full effect, that war with all its horrors stared them in the face, that it was no longer a question, should we sit tamely down and be still, while remonstrances and petitions were treated with contemptuous silence, or answered at the point of the bayonet, the Governor discovered that he abhored treason, and protested that while argument or pursuasion or petition were alone re- sorted to, he was as willing as any, to assist in it, but when it came to fighting, it was quite another affair, and positively and obstinately refused to countenance the resort to arms, by signing the commisions of the officers appointed to command in this expedition; it was in vain that reasoning was resorted to, in vain that the indignant mem- bers urged that to have gone thus far and stop now, would be worse, infinitely worse, than to have remained passive before. That the British Lion had nov/ shown them his teeth, and besides LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. 15<3 timt the spirit of liberty (so long fostered by patri- otic speeches and resolutions) was now abroad in the country and had taken possession of all ranks. That blood had been shed, and that the sword that was now leaping from the scabbard, it was evident could not be sheathed until the country was free, or reduced to hopeless and unconditional submis- sion. That the eyes of mankind in this region had become opened now to a divine right of kings \antil it had ceased to become a question; that the Governor was bound by every obligation to take part with his suffering countrymen, and finally hop- ing that patriotic feelings would at length influence him on the morrow, the Legislature ajourned. What was to be done ? Should h refuse, the Oovernor knew the contempt at least, of an irrita- ted people, would pursue him ; the loss of office was certain. But again, should he accede, and put his name to the fatal papers, what might not the con- sequences be ? If the friends of freedom failed ultimately in their enterprise, the cause would be branded as "treasonable rebellion," and the aid- ers and abettors thereof, hung and quartered. It was too fearful an alternative to risk ; and after deliberately weighing the probabilitiesof the case, the Governor resolved to go no further ; and at the next meeting made his protest against " hav- ing any hand in arming and equipping men to fight against his sovereign." Thus saying, in efl^ect, that while talking was all that was required of him, he was as ready to talk as other men, but %hting was another affair ; that five cents upon a pound of tea, and a few shillings upon a stamped paper, used only upon occasions when people might be supposed to be able to pay for it, was a most intolerable grievance, and worthy to throw the v/hole country into confusion, because it took mo- ney from the pockets of the people ; but that the 154 LIJ^'F^ OF STEPHEN OLNEY. shedding of blood wantonly was a trifle, and called for mature deliberation, whether we should resort to it or not. That the great principles of self-gov- ernment, of liberty and independence, were things of doubtful origin and uncertain tendency, but the taking away a few dollars Irom a man's pocket, was a thing that admitted of no manner of doubt, its unavoidable tendency being to make him poor- er, he had therefore felt himself called upon to re- sist such demands ; but the demand of allegiance to an arbitrary and despotic power, not founded upon the choice of the people, but originating in accident, and maintained by brute force, that is, military despotism, was a thing not to be disputed. We do not say that the Governor gave utterance to just such sentiments ; for had he. Governor or no Governor, the Legislature v/ould have hurled him from his seat without the ceremony of voting him out, and the hall would have been cleared of him in less than no time^ as Pat says. Oh no, he very politely, but firmly declined the honor of put- ting his name to a paper (which might hang him,) which his conscience could not approve, and re- newed his protestations that he had been perfectly willing to STO with his suffering" brethren in remon- strance, appeal and petition, to redress their griev- ances, while that alone was resorted to, but he was not prepared for an appeal to arms, and should not, by his name, sanction any such unlawful and rebellious proceedings. It was in vain that the General Assembly en- deavored to reason the case with him; he was as obstinate as a mule. Those who composed the State Legislature, had agreed, almost without a dissenting voice, and they were not now to be baffled by one Governor, or twenty Governors ; Hrue they attempted reason, but they might as w^ell have attempted to reason with the little stub- LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. i;^ born Dutch Governor described in Knickerbocker's history of New-York, who never stood it out with more obstinancy than the redoubtable Governor of Rhode-Island. But the Assembly were not tobe baffled; finding- every thing useless in the way of argument, they proceeded forthwith to call a vote suspending the Governor from his functions. They then offered the command of the Captain- Generalcy to the Deputy Governor, Darius Sessions. This gentleman, from motives of delicacy towards Governor Wanton, declined. Flitherto the two Governors had acted in concert and were firm friends, and to be thus set over Governor Wanton it seems was so repugnant to the feelings of Gov- ernor Sessions that though in a good cause, he declined ; consequently, the Legislature were thrown upon their own resources. It does not appear that Governor Sessions was a tor}^, at any time. He was a man of quiet de- portment, and unfitted for the stormy season in which he was called to act ; and probably aside from feelings of delicacy towards Governor Wan- ton, he disliked the bustle of public life. By another vote they then declared themselves the sovereign powder in the State; elected by the sovereign people; and proceeded forthwith, to sign the commissions themselves, giving the Governors leave to retire until thev could have time to make better ones. Which they very soon did, in the persons of Governors Cook and Bradford, two consistent, firm and unwavering Patriots, who continued to administer until the close of the war. Most prudent and providential was the selection; fearless and faithful they assisted in conjunction with their brethren to steer the ship into the har- bor of independence. Peace to their memories; '' another age," says Emmctt, '' may write my epi- taph." To the firmness, the love of country, the un- 150 LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. tiring" patriotism of Governors Cook and Bradford'^ the State of Rhode-Island owes a lasting- obliga- tion. In tiie most perilous times they dared to stand at the helm and direct the vessel of State through rocks and quicksands ; the fire from ofi^ the altar of liberty had warmed their hearts, and no cold and calculating questions of expediency were for a moment suffered to susrsrest themselves. Months and years have come and gone since the sod has been heaped upon their manly breasts, yet, has not the recollection of their worth, their firmness at the post of duty and of danger, faded from the minds of their grateful countrymen. Governors Wanton and Sessions retired, the one to his farm, and the other to his merchandise; mean- while the war-like preparations in Rhode-Island- went on. CHAPTER n. The commissions being duly signed, sealed and' delivered to the respective commanders, on the first of iMay, 1775, the regiment of Colonel Hitch- cock on that day paraded to the North-Providence meeting-house, to put up prayers before their de- parture, which was to be next day ; for, accord- ing to the pious usages of our forefathers, they re- solved rrot to undertake any thing without first asking a blessing upon it. What feelings must have swelled the bosoms of that simple congrega- tion at such a time ; the mother was there with LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEV. I57 her babe in her arms, about to take leave of the husband and father; perhaps forever. The aged sire, whose gray hairs had been whitening through three score years, to offer upon the altar of his country, the most acceptable sacrifice that could be offered; even the one that Abraham was com- manded to make. The children went to add the lisping prayers of infancy, for the holy cause in which their fathers were engaged, for the safety of their beloved ones; oh, it was a solemn time, when the aged Elder Ezekiel Angell stood and commended the souls and bodies of these his youth- ful friends and parishioners to the Great Father of mankind; the Protector, Defender and Saviour of men. What heartfelt prayers, what stifled sobs must have agitated the bosoms of the multitude, as he spread forth his hands and blest the depart- ing host. Spirit of the living God, thou Avast not invoked in vain! up to the heaven of heavens, the prayer of the righteous ascended on that day, for the husbands, the fathers, the sons, and broth- ers and neighbors, and fellow citizens, of the as- sembled multitude. The prayer was said, the blessing given, the last fond kiss and fevered shake of the hand exchanged, and the little band for the first time turned their backs upon their hap- py homes, and went forth to meet the enemies of freedom, to dare and to die if necessarj^: the pray- er of that day, says Captain Olney, ^' was for the preparation of our souls, and success in the cause in which we were engaged." The force, now wending its way to Roxbury, consisted as we have stated, of three regiments. The first, from the county of Providence, com- manded by Colonel Daniel Hitchcock ; Ezekiel Cornell, of Scituate, (afterwards General Cornell, and subsequently a member of Concrress,) was 14 158 LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. Lieutenant-Colonel, and Israel Ang-ell, of North- Provide nee, Major. The second, from the counties of Kent and Kings^ (afterwards Washington county,) was commanded by Colonel James Mitchell Varnum, (afterwards Gen. Varnum,) and Christopher Greene, Major; and including Gen. Nathaniel Greene, who was- General of the brigade. The third, from the counties of Bristol and New- port, was commanded by Colonel Thomas Churchy a descendant of the famous Captain Church in the old Indian wars, and Henry Sherburne, of New- port, Major. There was also added a company of artillery, commanded by Major John Crane. Perhaps it is well that melancholy impressions dwell not long on the mind of the soldier. " We marched along in high spirits," says Captain Olney, "though with rather quivering apprehension, on first sight of the British." It seems they had the impression that they should have to fight immedi- ately, an impression common to new soldiers who in the commencement of the first campaign think only of the tumult of a battle, a battle lost or won, without taking into account the long nights of watching and fatigue they may endure. First, the toilsome travel by day, faint often with want of food, and perhaps with want of a resting place to eat it. " They expected," says Captain OIney, "to be called on to pour out their blood as a sac- rifice to their country's cause, or to drive all be- fore them." Neither of those events were in re- serve for them ; they found themselves after a tedious march of forty miles, near Boston, and the red coats in sight, strongly fortified, and in a much better situation than they had imagined. They, the Americans, were encamped on Jamaica Plains, some little distance south-w^est of Roxburv, LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. 159 where they were drilled to military and camp du- ty until the famous battle of Bunker Hill; when the enemy began to fire shells and shot into Roxbury to draw their attention from Bunker Hill. ''The Rhode-Island troops," says he, " were for some time drawn up just within reach of their shells, and not being acquainted with those sort of mis- siles, it was with great difficulty the men could be kept in the ranks, especially when they imagined a shell was about to light on their heads. It was judged when a shell appeared perpendicular, it would pass over harmless; but if it began to de- scend a little, before it reached that point, it might be dangerous; but fear always makes danger, and in order to prevent fear from warping my judg- ment, I held up my gun by the muzzle as a perpen- dicular, and kept my post, as did also our compa- ny; although it was reported that part of us ran aw -y and I remained collecting their arms." It see.i;^ part of the men only, were sent forward, while the others at the foot of the hill acted as a kind of reserve, though exposed to nearly as mucti danger as those in the forefront of the battle, and v/ithout the excitement of personal contest to keep up their courage ; whether there was not room for all on the hill at once, or whether it was judged necessary they should remain to cover the retreat of the American army, in case they had to retreat, we cannot tell, but their commander, be- fore the battle was over, considering their position unnecessarily hazardous, ordered them to march out of danger. The events of that disastrous day even more disastrous to the British than to the routed army are too well known to need recapit- ulation here, notwithstanding the superiority of numbers, and discipline of the enemy, the Ameri- cans would, it is believed, have achieved a most perfect victory, had their ammunition held out. [GO LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. Their warlike stores being- destroyed at Concord was a most terrible loss to them, and on several occasions beside this, the want of powder and ball was the most serious grievance they had to com- plain of. From this time the Rhode-Island regiment was stationed at Prospect Hill, doing fatigue and gar- rison duty, and oftentimes exposed to the fire of the enemy's artillery, though but few lives were lost, and by degrees they became inured to dan- ger : it must have added much to their trials, the weather beinsr so extremelv sultry. The battle of Bunker's Hill, it will be recollected was fought on one of the hottest davs ever known in the country. Thus, and in skirmishing parties sent out to in- tercept the foraging parties of the enemy in the neighborhood of Boston, passed the winter of 1775 and '76, a winter never to be forgotten by the im- prisoned inhabitants of Boston, suffering from cold and famine, debarred from all communication with friends without, and constantly dreading treache- ry and violence within, what must their sufferings have been ? afraid to stir out of their houses for fear of the petty insults of hireling soldiers, whose jibes and taunts were the least insults dreaded from them. But if the situation of the American part of the population was trying, that of the enemy was not without its trials. Their army was not sufficient to guard conveniently all the exposed posts of the city and peninsula of Charlestov/n, which by the event of the battle of Bunker Hill, had now come into their possession. The fatigue of their soldiers had multiplied to an excessive degree, the heat of the summer being so extreme, had debilitated them, and generated diseases which had materially thinned their ranks, LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. 161 and paralized their movements. Their wounded, a great part had died from the influence of climate and want of proper food, and no doubt of proper care; so that besides the name of winning the bat- tle, they derived no real advantage from the vic- tory, if such it could be called, of Bunker Hill. Thus proving what ought to be obvious, that a people cotriing from one country to fight another, have on the whole much the worst of it. On the contrary, in the American camp provision was plenty, the greater part of the v/ounded being ac- customed 10 the climate were easily cured, and their minds animated with new views, new ardor, altogether new feelings. It takes one battle, at least, to bring people to the right temperament ; and added to this, the American forces in that re- gion had something continually in view to inflame their patriotism. The lately flourishing and beau- tiful village of Charlestown lay before them, a heap of blackened ruins. How was it possible to look on it and reflect upon the destitute iamilies turned adrift upon the world, through the wanton cruelty of the British conuiianders, without a thrill of horror and a desire of retaliation ? Perhaps the most painful duty which the Amer- icans were condemned to during the interval of the battle of Bunker Hill and the succeeding March, when the British evacuated Boston, was the throw- ing up entrenchments at Roxbury, continually ex- posed to the fire of the enemy, often a house burnt by their shells, and some dead to carry off* the field daily. This must have been a service irk- some in the extreme. Great sympathy for their suffering countrymen, penned up in Boston, was continually felt ; but no means of relief occurred, except by starving out the garrison. Sometimes, to disburthen them- 14 162 LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. selves of so many useless mouths, a pass was given by General Gage to families to quit the city; but when they did, they were not permitted to bring away any, even the least of their effects; even their persons were often rigorously searched. The writer of these sheets is acquainted with sev- eral aged females now living, who were among those permitted to escape ; and who succeeded in burying some of their valuables in the cellar, where they afterwards found them, although the house had been nearly demolished, and one or two who brought off a number of gold pieces hemmed into their garments, but in some cases the search was so rigid that even this could not be done. Boston was however at length released from its thraldom, and the suffering, starving, and pillaged inhabitants once more at liberty. Gen. Washington marched into it with the American forces tlie same day, carrying provisions and com- forts in abundance. Nothing could surpass the enthusiasm with which the inhabitants greeted them ; and "thus ended the contest at that place." Arrangements were now to be made for a re- moval to the interior, and in anticipation of this event a new army had been organized on the pre- ceding January. Colonel Daniel Hitchcock, hi. Colonel Cornell, and Major Israel Angell, were the field officers in the regiment to which Captain 01- ny was attached. Captain Angell returned to his home sick, and resigned his commission. Cogges- hall Olney was promoted to Captain, and the sub- ject of this memoir, Stephen Olney, promoted to first Lieutenant. James Bridges, a very respect- able young man from Andover, Mass. was ap- pointed 2d Lieutenant. Paper money at this time was in good repute. It had not began to depreciate, as it afterwards did ; but it now began to be more difficult about LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. 103 procuring enlistments. The prospect of an end of the war now became distant, and, alas ! the suc- cess was doubtful, and the patriotism of many had began to wax cold. A part of the soldiers, how- ever, belonging to the first corps, re-enlisted, so that, as Captain Olney says, "they kept up the name of an army." Soon after the evacuation of Boston, they were ordered to New-York. At Providence, they halted, and Captain Olney obtained leave to visit and stay one night wiih his family. This he says "was the first favor of the kind since I engaged in the army, and previous to this, I had never been from home more than 24 hours at a time in my life. ^ After a tedious march overland to New-York, the Rhode-Island regiment was stationed on Long Island, at Brooklyn Heights, half a mile from the city, just across the river. Here they were stead- ily employed in erecting fortifications on the isl- and, destined to be of no service. The island was often annoyed by small parties of British, scouting about and* robbing the luckless inhabitants of whatever they could lay hands upon. Captain Olney was one of a party despatched one night to look after some of these fellows, and had the good fortune to apprehend some seven or eight of them. A part of them got intelligence and made off* quick enough to save themselves. Captain Olney's prisoners proved to be persons of " ma- ture age, good sense, and very considerable infor- mation," and he expressed his amazement that. '^ such persons should doubt the justice of the patriot cause, and still more astonishing that they avowed their belief that the States had not the means of supporting their independence." In af- ter life, he says it appeared no wonder they should 164 LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. have doubted the latter, so perfectly unprepared were the undisciplined forces of the Stales. A nriost interesting" event occurred while on this station the reading of the Declaration of Inde- pendence. How many thousands listened to this soul-reviving appeal on that day ! In the shire towns and cities it was read irom the balconies of the State-houses. On Long-Island the army was called out and it was read to them on the Beach. It was in fact America's proudest day the day to her ''for which all other days were made." How beat the loyal hearts ! How swelled the patriotic bosoms, when America, for the first time, avowed her determination before the whole world, " never to lay down lir arms until these United States should be free, sovereign, and independent !" Hear, oh heaven ! and be astonished, oh earth ! A nation in its infancy dares to throw off the yoke of bondage ! A nation that has only a [ew raw and undisciplined soldiers, offers to cope with the most powerful kingdom in Europe with a war- like and a war trained people a people of old, mighty in arms, great in arts, and seeking to ex- tend her dominion from sea to sea and from shore to shore ! America, with a line of seacoast alto- gether undefended, against a mighty naval arma- ment, and a huge and impenetrable forest in her rear filled with avaricious and blood-thirsty sava- ges, whom the least bribe would at once turn up- on her with the merciless scalping knife and the exterminating tomahawk; without the alliance or countenance of any other nation, the solemn ap- peal was made, relying wholly on the justice and righteousness of her cause. What shout is that, that seems to rend the sky .'' that comes booming over the waters, swelling on the waves, and sweep- ing over the shores of iManhattan, until all the lit- tle islands around seem to catch the glad tidings, LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. 165 and echo back the joyful notes? What motley as- i^emblage is that collected on the beach, who throw their hats high in air, and brandish their gleaming blades? It is liberty's last hope. It is the little band of heroes, who have commenced the regen- eration of a world. The first who have dared to assert the dignity of man; who have scorned the worship of the golden calf; and have determined to call no man master on earth; none lord but the Lord Jehovah. The shout that they send up this day, shall be heard through all the earth; the dis- tant hills shall prolong the echo on every side ; the waves of the ocean shall bear it to every land; and nations yet unborn, shall arise and call them blessed ; the captive in his dungeon shall think on them and all the oppressed of the earth shall *'pray, looking towards this place." CHAPTER III. The tide of joy, like all other tides, has an ebb. So elated were the little band on Long-Island, that they lay down with lisjht hearts that night, and Captain Olney records that he dreamed, after com- ing off guard, that night, and falling asleep in his marquee, that a British vessel came into the har- bor of New- York, and struck her sails in honor of General Washington. He awoke, he says, and ^'considered it was but a dream, but beheld in about two hours a British frigate, the first that had ver made the attempt, set sail, and ran by New- 166 LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. York, up to Tarytown Cove, notwithstanding' the fire from all our batteries, and received but little damage," to the great mortification of the compa- ny who found themselves much deceived about the strength of their batteries. But this was nothing to what followed. Never perhaps during the whole war of the revolution, was there an American force on any station, that ought to have watched with greater vigilance the movements of the enemy than that now encamped on Long-Island; unfortunately Gen- eral Greene, who had been put in command there was taken sick, and had to return home, so that the command devolved upon General Sullivan, or rather he was succeeded bv him. General Sulli- van was a man of undoubted honor and trust, and his character was beyond the reach of suspicion, but it must be evident to every one who reads that there was a terrible mismanagement somewhere. An army said to be 23,000 strong, was lying just without Sandy Hook, and waiting only for an un- guarded moment to land their forces. The frigate that Captain Olney mentions, which run by the guns of so many forts, ought to have been a suffic- ient warning, if they had no other. A small de- -tachment was stationed on Governor's Island, and another at Paulus Hook, in front of New-York, and upon the right bank of the Hudson. The American troops (the main body of the army) were in the city commanded by General Washington in person. General Putnam was on Long-Island, his head quarters on Brooklyn Heights, and Brigadier General Sterling, Lord Sterling as he was general- ly called, and nmny other officers of inferior rank, who afterwards distinguished themselves highly in the war for independence, were (here. Whether the British thought to divert attention from their movements, by keeping up the show of LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. 1(57 negotiation, is uncertain, but it is certain it had some eflect in lulling attention. It was at this time that a letter from Lord Howe to George Washington^ Esq.^ caused so much indignation in the American camp. General Washington himself returned it wiih scorn, and refused to receive any letter in which his rank was not specified, very properly observing, " that in his private capacity, he could not treat with them." To this point, then, their high mightinesses were obliged to come, or drop the negotiation at once ; accordingly, Adjutant- Gen. Patterson, was sent in due form with another letter. Washington observed in the first place, he was not authorized to nefrotiate with the British in any way ; and secondly, he could not see that the commisioners were clothed with any authority except to grant pardons, and " the United States having committed no offence, required no pardon at their hands; that she had only been defending her unquestionable rights," an answear that ought to be recorded in letters of gold, for the benefit of every people in succeeding ages, strugsfling for lib- erty. Patterson, after expressing much regret, withdrew. Here then was an end to even the shoic of negotiation^ and all eyes ought to have been di- rected to their movements. But it is useless to look back or mourn over the 3000 Americans who fell or were taken prisoners, in that disasterous night and day, when the British surprised the forces at Brooklyn. It is useless, as it was then, to stop to mourn over the flower of Maryland, the entire regiment of whom consisting of brave and educated young men, of some of the most patriot- ic and best families in the province, which were totally cut to pieces from the misiakes of a night. In silence and security the British made their dispositions of attack, and soon after dark, suc- ceeded in effecting a landing between the villages I6S LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. of Gravesend and New Utrecht, unseen and unop- posed. This place is directly on the west coast of Long Island, and opposite Staten Island, and near the narrows, and was only three miles from the American encampment. General Sullivan had been in New- York on the preceding day, but had returned on that evening, Captain Olney states, bringing over 3000 men; and this 3000 by his ac- count took their station somewhat in advance of the fort. The two armies were separated by a chain of hills, then covered with wood, called the Heights of Guan, and which running from east and west, divide the island into two parts. There were three grand passes through these hills, one of which, near the narrows, and passing by the vil- lage of Flatbush, seemed to have been tlie most dangerous, and in the event the most fatal to the Americans. Upon the summit of these hills there is a road leading the whole length of the range, from Bedford to Jamaica. All along upon this road posts had been stationed, and within such a distance from each other, that the most prompt intelligence could be conveyed of what was pass- ing on these routes. Stephen Olney, who was sent on with a detach- ment in advance, lay all night within a mile of this force of 23,000 men, and knew not that they were in the neighborhood. Two hours before day. Gen. Clinton commenced his attack ; he led the vanguard of the enemy, which consisted of light infantry; Lord Percy the centre, consisting of grenadiers, tiie artillery, and cavalry; and Cornwallis, the rearguard, regiments of infantry and heavy artillery. Colonel Miles who commanded the foremost post, did not perceive or know of their approach until they were withia half a mile; and thev were warned bv one of the LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. i^O patriots being seized and made prisoner by the advance guard under General Clinton; in fact the three passes were at once in their power. Gen- eral Clinton learning from his prisoner that the road of Jamaica was not guarded, occupied it without loss of time, and on his left bore towards Bedford, and seized an important defile which the Americans had incautiously left unguarded. His- tory says, '' from this moment the success of the day was decided in favor of the English." In short, by marching and countermarching, the Americans were at length almost completely sur- rounded; prodigies of valor were enacted by the enraged and betrayed patriots of America; many were wounded on the enemy's side, and about 400 killed. General Washinsrton himself came over from New-York in the height of the engagement, i and seeing some of his best troops slaughtered or taken, is said to have wrung his hands, and ut- tered an expression of anguish, never heard from him before. The sun of the 27th of August rose 4^ with that red and angry glare, which is the sure precusorof a violent storm, which quickly followed the battle; but to the superstitions, a dismal fore- boding of the events of the day. Alas! it rose and set in blood. In another part of this immense field of battle, the militia of New-York and Pennsylvania was making a brave stand against the forces under Lord Percy, and were about giving way at length, when General Parsons arrived to their relief, and renewed the combat, maintaining his position against fearful odds, until General Sterling came to his relief with 1500 men ; the action in that quarter became extremely warm, and neither would give way. While the Hessians on their post were fighting the main body in the centre, 15 170 LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. commanded by General Sullivan, the Americans defended themselves with the greatest gallantry, not knowing that all their efforts must prove una- vailing, until the approach of" the English light infantry assured them of it. They then endeav- ored to effect a retreat to the camp of Putnam; but attacked front and rear, it was no easy task; several regiments at length animated by heroic valor, cut their way through the midst of the Brit- ish army and gained the camp in safety; others threw themselves into the wood, and escaped that way. And where was the hero of our story, all this time ? Why, he was with the regiment that was ordered on picquet guard, and lay that night preceding the battle, on their arms, in a wood within one mile of the enemy. " The ground being covered with wood, we were not exactly apprized of our situation," says he. Between him and the forts, on the right and left, the ground was occupied by Lord Sterling. It was not until day light that this division was attacked, and the first they knew, the firing commenced simultane- ously in their front and rear. The firing at first, was from left to right. " We perceived," he says, "we were surrounded, but as yet saw no enemy; Lieutenant Colonel Cornell (I believe Colonel Hitchcock was not present) ordered Capt. Tew's platoon, to which I belonged, to move in front, to protect our sentries, and marched the regiment towards our forts where the firing continued. When they came in sight of the enemy, they were necessiated to fight or run their way through." The latter it seems was decided on, and these brave fellows, with some killed and others wound- ed, o-allantly forced their way through and gained the fort of Gen. Putnam. " Many who hid in the woods came into camp after night," but to returo LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. 17[ to Capt. Tew's platoon : " he marched a little dis- tance in front, but as the firing* continued in our rear, he thought proper to detach me, with about 20 men, in front, to protect the sentries, and he marched after, and shared the fate of his regi- ment, the fate of those who fell on the sword of the enemy. I marched forward, and found the ' enemy firing their field pieces, and some small arms, into the woods, where our sentries were placed, but the balls seemed to make the most havoc in the tops of the trees. I placed my men behind the trees, to be in readiness, if the enemy advanced, believing we were too far off for small arms, but my men thought they could kill, and kept up a deliberate fire. We had been thus situated about half an hour, when the firing ceased in the rear, and I discov- ered a party of the enemy coming towards us in thDt direction; I formed my men, and marched off in \cvy quick time towards our home, (fort,) be- lieving the enemy were between us and the forts. I cautioned my men not to hurry, as the greatest exertion would be necessary at the end of the race; in about two miles, we came out of the woods in- to a field beside the road which led by a school house, by which we must pass to get over the mill-dam to our fort ; at this place Lieutenant Thomas Hughes joined me with a small party; on getting over the fence into the road, I saw the en- emy as near the school house as Ave were, drew up in line ever so long, deliberately viewing our works; I told my Sergeant Pollin to fix his bayo- net, as we must go through here, or die. At this instant, the enemy saw us, and ran ahead, and fired, and more ran before them and fired to pre- vent our passage. Nevertheless, I made out to get nearly all my men past the school house, and part of Hughes's; after passing the enemy, about ]72 LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. one hundred yards, they had huddled together in the road. I ordered my men to face about, and give them one well-directed fire, which I saw from the staggering, had taken good effect." They then continued this running fight toFIatbush, and finally got into the fort in safety. I remark,-' Captain Olney continues, " about 2400 were taken prisoners, and 500 killed and wounded," making it 100 less than the official account of the battle states. 'At the time, I did not, he says, pretend to know or examine the generalship of posting Sul- livan's and Sterling's forces, as they were, leav- ing the forts but poorly manned with sick and in- valids. It must be on the supposition that the enemy would come on the direct road, and if our troops were overpowered, they might retreat to and defend the fort. But the enemy took a cir- cuitous route, and where it was said Colonel (Hitchcock probably,) had neglected to guard, and arrived in our rear without notice. Had it been left to the British Generals to make a dispo- sition of our troops, it is a chance if they would have made it more advantageous to themselves, and but from their tardiness they might have tak- en our main Ibrt. All that seemed to prevent it was a scarecrow row of palisades from the fort to low water in the cove, which Major Box had or- dered set up that morning. After we got into our fort, hungry, tired and sleepy, to augment our dis- tress, there came on a dreadful heavy storm, with thunder and licrhtnino-, and the rain fell in such torrents that the water was soon ancle deep in the fort. Yet with all these inconveniences, and a powerful enemy just without musket shot, our men could not be kept awake. They would sit down and fall asleep, although Lieut. Cornell, a faithful and vigilant officer, whom they used to LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. 173 nickname " Old Snarl," was threatening to make daylight shine through them all the time." Thus ended the melancholy tragedy of the bat- tle of Long-Island; through all its beautifall vallies from Bedford to Jamaica, the turf was strewed with the dead and the dying : imagination paints the scene, redolent of horrors. The dying warrior alone and unattended, sighing for some friendly hand to close his eyes, or place the cup of water to his parched lips, while his life is slowly ebbing from the ghastly wound. The frantic maiden, search- ing through the cold and drenching shower for the body of a husband or a father, unconscious of the thunder's roll, or lightning's flash, the wail of the dvino" mingled with the hoarse voice of the storm, or the roar of the ocean lashed into fury by the tempest. Alas, how many who hailed with enthusiasm the opportunity of distinguishing them- selves in the cause of their country at the rising of that day's sun, lived not to see its setting; low in the dust, the lofty plume of the warrior is trod- den, dimmed is the eagle eye, and pale the once glowing cheek, powerless the arm, that perchance mowed down the ranks of the enemies of his coun- try, at the battle of Bunker Hill, or on the shores of Virginia. How are the mighty fallen. But they fell in the sacred cause of freedom. They were martyrs, who came up to the help of the Lord against the mighty. Their blood has conse- crated the cause, and the soil. In after ages the voyager as he passes the Narrows, shall point to the place where the Lord commanded a sacrifice on the altar of Liberty. Henceforth shall this be a chosen spot ; the dews of heaven shall fall gen- tly on the sod, and the sweetest flowers of the for- est shall blossom on the turf that covers the *' Flower of Maryland. ^^ 15* 174 I-IFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY 1?.K f 1 CHAPTER IV. .....^^'^^ ^ History says that the " rain continued to fall / in torrents for two days and two nights without^ intermission, by which the arms and ammunition of the soldiers was materially damaged," but prov- identially by this means the British ships could not come up to the assistance of their army, and the Americans had time to commence their retreat from the Island. A council of war being called, they decided it was best to evacuate their position without delay, as the Btitish, once masters of the east river, they would be completely hemmed in. The dispositions therefore for removal having been made in silence, as far as practicable, they conunenced their march at 8 o'clock in the evening. The greatest caution had to be used for too surely they knew, that notwithstanding their own mis- takes in the affair of the battle, treachery was at the bottom of it; that there were many loyalists on the Island, how rtiany they did not know, who had probably acted as spies and informers, and even guides on that occasion. In managing the retreat, Colonel Glover com- manded the vessels and fleet and transport boats, General M'Dougal was charged with the embark- ation, and Colonel Mifflin was to cover the rear guard. The current was exceedingly rough, and the wind contrary, and indeed in a direction (north east) calculated to blow them right into the hands of their enemies, but providentially, just as they embarked, the wind changed to north west, and they got safely off', under the protection of a thick fog, which covered Long-Island, and singularly LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. I75 enough reached not to New-York. Washington, notwithstanding the entreaties of his officers, re- mained last upon the shore ; he would not embark until he saw the last man on board. They amount- ed in all to 9000. It was not until the sun was high in the heav- ens, on the next morning, that the British per- ceived their prey had escaped, and with all their stores, munitions of war, &c., were safe from pur- suit; a [ew boats of the rear guard were alone to be seen, retreating from the Island, where they had returned to take av/ay some articles which had been left the night before : they were out of their reach. Never was a retreat better timed or conducted with more ability and prudence. " We had to take our baggage, camp equipage. &c. on our shoulders, says Captain Olney, and car- ry them to the boats," and tedious indeed was the operation, through mud and mire, and not a ray of light visible, for this indulgence would at once have betrayed them, and through a fog so intense, you might almost grasp it. The Captain and his company were soon hov/ever in more com- fortable quarters, and where they could venture to breathe freely, though not eating the bread of idleness : a great operation was yet to be perform- ed ; that was to remove the forces on Govern- or's Island, and get them 1;0 the same place of safety. Tv/o regiments occupied that Island, and with abundance of munitions of war, and a nu- merous artillery. The Americans had fortified it to defend the east river, but it could not be expect- ed to be of any avail, after the loss of Long-Island; the object was effected, and the whole safely re- moved to New-York. Dreadful for the time, was the effect of this bat- tle to the patriot cause ; they had hitherto labored under a great mistake, in supposing that personal 176 J^IFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. valor alone would supply the want of discipline. Upon this they wholly relied, and now by a very natural reaction, fell into the other extreme, and supposed that courage would do nothing- ; besides they began to be apprehensive of treachery, and dreaded an ambuscade at every step. The mil- itia, armed suddenly in emergency, became every day more intractable, and deserted by hundreds; their example became every day more fatal to the regular troops, who at the most were only enlisted for one year, and who now took the liberty to sup- pose they might return to their homes just when they pleased. But there is no trial without a salutary use, if rightly improved. Hitherto the Congress had re- sisted all intreaties for a regular army, so great was the jealousy of the nation of a standing army.. but now the remonstrances of Washington were seconded by all the military officers of distinction, and they at length yielded, and decreed that a regular army should be immediately raised, to consist of eight battalions, in which the soldiers should be enlisted to serve through the war, with a promise of a grant of land of one hundred acres at the end of it, and a bounty of twenty dollars at enlisting. They were afterwards obliged to mod- ify it and allow enlistments for three years, but no land, if they served less than through the vv^ar. With much exertion Washington made out to keep his little army together, until proper measures could be taken to organize a new one. Advice, persuasion, and exhortation were necessarily used, and, seconded by the other officers, the greater part yielded to his authority and consented to re- main. Personal affection for that great command- er (for ever blessed be his memory) was thought to have had great inffiience. It was at this time that General Howe, pre- LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. I77 soniing upon the events of the late battle, sent to Congress a request to treat with them, in order to put an end to the war, as he said. The request was sent by General Sullivan, and Congress de- ;puted three of their body to hear what Howe had to say, and to examine his pov/ers. Nothing could have proved his hollow and hypocritical intentions more than the language made use of at this inter- view did. They demanded " first that the colonies should return to their allegiance," with the assur- ance assurance forsooth, " that it was the earnest desire of the King to make his government easy ^nd agreeable to them, and that the laws of Par- liament, which were so obnoxious to them, should undergo a revisal^ and the instructions to Govern- ors should be reconsidered" reconszV/eref/ probably, as the Constitution of Lower Canada has been. If nothing had ever chanced to inform us of what our favor would have been, had we trusted to these assurances^ the groaning prisons of Toronto and Montreal could answer us now. Whether the gallows formed a part of the camip equipage of the British commanders of those days, as it is said to of some at the north nov7, is not known, but we have no reason to suppose that we should have fared any better than those unfortunate men who have recently laid down their arms in Canada, up- on the assurances of British clemency. The three Commissioners, Franklin, Rutledge, and Adams, saw through their hollow assurancps^ and made the conference short. During this time however a fortnight of rest had been allowed the troops at New-York, except in the little skirmishes that would naturally take place from the near contiguity of the enemy. By degrees they got pos- session of most of the little islands in the neigh- borhood, and General Washington thought it most prudent to evacuate New-York. In this he was 178 LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. opposed in a council of war by the other officers, who thought that "if they could hold out a show of resistance there it would divert the attention of the enemy from any other point, as the season was so far advanced it might prevent their ob- taining a foothold until winter should set in, which would oblige them to withdraw for one season at least. Circumstances afterwards demonstrated that the plan of Washington was best. At length, however, seeing the enemy reinforced from so many quarters, they unanimously decided it was^ best. The sick, the baggage, and munitions of war were safely carried over to Jersey, far up tlie river, and the soldiers marched out of the city, when, behold, information came that the British had landed on the island at Kip's Bay, only three miles from the city. This caused them to decamp with so much haste as to leave part of their hea- vy artillery in the hands of the enemy. At King's bridge they had a strong force, and hither they retreated. From their near neighborhood to the enemy, frequent skirmishes ensued, in which the American army became accustomed to face the foe. At Harlem, they had quite a hot engage- ment, in which Lieut. Stephen Olney fought and behaved with much gallantry. The particulars of this engagement have been given in history, ex- cept, that the Americans contrived an ambuscade, into which many British and Hessians fell, and numbers of them were killed or taken prisoners. It was while they were at Harlem, and only a few days after the capture of New- York, that the great fire occurred at that city. One fourth of New-York was consumed. The British accused the Americans of setting fire to the city them- selves, in order to deprive them of its spoils. It was in vain that they protested their entire inno- cence. Their protestations were not regarded. LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. I79 and humanity weeps over the recital, they seized upon many whom they pretended to believe were instrumental in it, and plunged them headlong in- to the flames ! Yes, in the verv faces of their imprisoned families, in view of the destruction of all their property ! What must have been the feelings of those bereaved and houseless beings to see their last props torn away ; and still more horrible, hurried by a death of excruciating tor- ture, without a moment for preparation, into the presence of their God. Oh, England ! thy day of retribution has not yet come. That thou art a christian nation will only aggravate thy doom. In the Judgment, Turks and infidels shall stand guilt- less at thy side, and the time may come when it shall be said, " Blessed is he that taketh thy chil- dren, and dasheth them against the stones." Captain Olney saw not this, he was at this time near King's bridge, skirmishing with the outposts of the enemy, and lending his aid to help keep the men together, and to inspire them with courage. He says that " when they retreated from New- York city, they had a running fight, very similar to that at Flatbush." The regiment to which he belonged, after some days was obliged to go over to fort Lee, on the Jersey side; and here, he re- lates a conversation between two Captains of his regiment which certainly was very singular ; to say nothing more of it in presence of witnesses, too. They held an argument it seems, upon the probability of the country's success in gaining their independence, and very gravely decided that it was impossible, and that they never could effect it. Captain Olney says it was true they were older and had more experience than himself, but he did not h'fesitate to avow a contrary opinion; he speaks of a Mr. Bridges, who likewise spoke on the occa- ISO LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. sion, and boldly asserted his full belief in the fu- ture independence of his country. The stay of Captain Olney was short at fort Lee; he with the regiment, was ordered to recross it, and encamp at Harlem Heights, near Hellgate. The enemy erected a battery on the opposite side of the east river, and a regular connonade was kept up every day. It was now judged best to send the sick off to a place of safety; and Captain Olney was despatched to conduct them to Tappan, which was safely performed. During his absence he says their regiment had another skirmish with the enemy, but being outflanked, retreated with- out much loss ; and as the enemy advanced on Long Island side, the American army made retro- grade movements on the north river side, to keep from being outflanked. The object of the British now, was to surround the American army, and being at this time reinforced by an Irish regiment, after various manoeuvres they determined to effect an encampment on White Plains, on the other side of Kingsbridge. Washington penetrated the designs of the ene- my, and resolved to frustrate them by extending" his own army to that place; and finally encamped the main body at White Plains; separated from the English only by a narrow river (Brunx). Here for some days, they had frequent skirmishes, until the whole Britisfi army had concentrated them- selves on the opposite bank of the river; a cannon- ade commenced, but with little eflect. The right wing of the army was severely attacked by the British, and defended with much bravery, partic- ularly, by a regiment from Maryland, and one Ironi New-York, who came out of the lines after the ene- my had crossed over and fought them at the foot of the mountain until overpowered by numbers : they were forced to retire behind the redoubts- LIFE OF STEPHEN OLNEY. 181 Night coming on, the main body imder Washing- ton was not attacked; he took advantage of the night to strenghen his position, and it was a night of hard work; but so formidable did they appear in the morning, that General Howe decided on not attackinsr them until he could ^et some battalions from New-York, under the conunand of Lord Per- cy. These reinforcements did not arrive until evening, and he had to wait another day for the assault. It seemed the fate of Captain Olney, to be wherever danger was and much work to do, and he was not to repose in idleness ; a more busy or anxious time perhaps did not occur during the campaign. Captain Olney thought there was about twenty two thousand on each side, before Percy's force joined the enemy; but history records that the forces of the enemy were much superior, and regular troops; wliile the force of the Ameri- cans were mostly raw militia. Another nisfht of excessive rain which continued all through the next day, obliged both sides to remain quiet. It was now the 30th of October, and the morning of the 1st of November was decided by the British, for a general engagement. With such an im- mense reinforcement as they had now received, it was well understood the Americans would be unable to resist. Washington, who saw and understood al | Olney Captain Stephen (I52591)
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| 1967 | BIOGRAPHY: "Vassall Pedigree" states he is from Wapping. BIOGRAPHY: "Vassall Pedigree" states he is from Wapping. | Church Henry (I50348)
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| 1968 | BIOGRAPHY: "Vassall Pedigree", pg 3 states he is of Boston. | Prescott Jonathan (I50373)
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| 1969 | BIOGRAPHY: "Vassall Pedigree", pg 3 states he was of Milton, Mass. | Miller John (I50308)
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| 1970 | BIOGRAPHY: "Vassall Pedigree", pg 4 says he is of Antigua. | Lavicount John (I50296)
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| 1971 | BIOGRAPHY: "Vassall Pedigree", pg 4 says she is "of Jamaica". | Tomlinson Christian Bennett (I50430)
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| 1972 | BIOGRAPHY: "Vassell Pedigree", pg 3 states he is of Milton, Mass. | Stedman Benjamin (I50356)
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| 1973 | BIOGRAPHY: According to "The Vassalls of New England" (pg 5): There was a Samuel Vassall graduated at Harvard College in 1695, of whom there is no further record, save that he bore the title of major, and was called "of Boston". He was, perhaps, an elder brother of William and Leonard. | Vassall Samuel (I50292)
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| 1974 | BIOGRAPHY: According to "The Vassalls of New England", pg 5-6: "There seems to be some uncertainty in regard to him. In the MS of President Styles, it is stated that Rev. Joshua Hobart, H. C., 1650, son of Peter, sailed for Barbadoes, July 16, 1655; married there April 16, 1656, Margaret Vassall; sailed from thence to London, where he arrived July 5, 1656; returned to New England, where he arrived September 5, 1669; and where his wife died "four days after." He was married second, to Mary Rainsford of Boston, and removed to Southold, Nassau Is., where he died in winter of 1716-17. By his wife Margaret he had three (?) children. How to reconcile this statement with the wording of the deed of sale of her father's Scituate estate, we are at a loss to know, and are content to relinquish the matter to some more perservering enquirer. Joshua Hubbard, the husband of Margaret Vassall, was evidently a different individual from the captain of the same name who acted attorney for the sale of William Vassall's estate." Note: "The deed of sale of her (Margaret) father's estate in Scituate was signed by Joshua Hubbard, in behalf of his late wife, July 18, 1657. In the settlement of the estate of Comfort Starr, physician, in 1659, the name of Margaret Vassall occurs as debtor." BIOGRAPHY: According to "The Vassalls of New England", pg 5-6: "There seems to be some uncertainty in regard to him. In the MS of President Styles, it is stated that Rev. Joshua Hobart, H. C., 1650, son of Peter, sailed for Barbadoes, July 16, 1655; married there April 16, 1656, Margaret Vassall; sailed from thence to London, where he arrived July 5, 1656; returned to New England, where he arrived September 5, 1669; and where his wife died "four days after." He was married second, to Mary Rainsford of Boston, and removed to Southold, Nassau Is., where he died in winter of 1716-17. By his wife Margaret he had three (?) children. How to reconcile this statement with the wording of the deed of sale of her father's Scituate estate, we are at a loss to know, and are content to relinquish the matter to some more perservering enquirer. Joshua Hubbard, the husband of Margaret Vassall, was evidently a different individual from the captain of the same name who acted attorney for the sale of William Vassall's estate." Note: "The deed of sale of her (Margaret) father's estate in Scituate was signed by Joshua Hubbard, in behalf of his late wife, July 18, 1657. In the settlement of the estate of Comfort Starr, physician, in 1659, the name of Margaret Vassall occurs as debtor." | Hubbard Joshua (I50374)
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| 1975 | BIOGRAPHY: Almon A. Davison was occupied with raising vineyards, nursery and gardens. BIOGRAPHY: He was born on the old homestead in a house down by the brook, just midway between two Christmases. He don’t remember of ever weighing less than ten pounds. He was not pretty like his older brother, nor like his sister, who came one and one-half years later. His mother was heard to say, she would be ashamed to take such a homely baby anywhere. He didn't seem to care much, as it is an old saying, “the homeliest babies, make the prettiest grown people.” He grew up to be the tallest Davison in town. Might tell many funny things he said and did that would please the children, but the old folks would think it foolish. When he was nine days old, ground was broken by Charles Carroll, the last survivor of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, to build the first railroad in the United States, July 4, 1828. When ten or twelve years old, he carried stones, old rails, and poles and fenced off a strip of gorund by the roadside. In it he planted all sorts of trees and scrubs and flowers that would grow in odd spells, while his older brother, Daniel Harrison was in the house studying. Indicating when that young, what the two boys would be when they were grown. His father died before he was sixteen, and his mother told the boys they must go and hire out. That meant to go to Hoosick, NY and work for some rich farmer. He worked for a farmer in North Hoosick, NY and in a cotton factory in Bennington, VT, and at Hoosick Falls, NY. He then peddled milk in Hartford, CT. Also attended High School there. In 1851 he took Horace Greeley's advice, and went west. Landed at Groveland, IL, May 18, 1851. Bought land of Franklin Pierce, President of the United States, in the southwest corner of Sand Praire Township, Tazewell County, IL. Resided on the farm twenty-nine years. In 1880 he left the farm and moved to Manito, IL, where he still resides. BIOGRAPHY: Is enjoying good health, has not a single bad habit, no tobacco, whiskey, nor patent medicine. Enjoying peace and plenty. Has been a life-long Christian and held many responsible positions in religious matters. Nearly thirty years as Superintendent of Sunday Schools. At present writing, he is all alone in his comfortable home, trying to complete “THE DAVISON RECORD” and get it ready for the publishers. He was a school boy at Cobb’s School, when the first telegraph was in operation. Can well remember the first LOCO MATCHES, and Dagureotypes, Sewing machines, Reaping machines and nearly everything else that is now in common use. All in one lifetime! Wonder what our great-grandchildren will live to see. Hope they remember us kindly, especially to the children of the “DAVISON FAMILY”. He and his wife had twelve children. (Written in 1905). | DAVISON Almon Alexander (I35515)
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| 1976 | BIOGRAPHY: He was listed as being of Stow, Worcester County, MA at the time of his wedding. | Wheeler Deliverance (I51771)
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| 1977 | BIOGRAPHY: Her father was an earnest Christian man, who, she his only daughter loved fondly. He died when she was fourteen. His teaching and example, and also that of her Christian mother, helped to form in her a sweet and gentle disposition. She received a good common school education at the old Cobb’s school house. In her seventeenth year, September 29, 1846, she was united in marriage to William A. Parks, a young man of pure principles, of unusual energy and ambition, with a fair common school education and a good discernment of human nature. he seldom misplaced confidence in man. They both united with the Baptist Church in Grafton, NY. They resided a few years on the Davison Homestead, where their first children were born. They also kept a Hotel and Store at Quackenskill, NY for awhile. Also the Hotel and Store at East Grafton, NY, before moving to Illinois in 1854. They went by way of Chicago and LaSalle. Arrived at Minonk, IL where they found the mud deep and abundant. (Uncle Hank used to express it, “Half clay and half tar.”) The City of Minonk then consisted of a railroad switch and one house. They located about ten miles northwest of Minonk and lived at several places until 1857, when they moved on what is now known as the William A. Parks Homestead. He bought his land on credit and owing to the hard times and the Civil War, he paid interest to the amount of more than the first cost of the land. They had their experience in pioneer life--poverty, sickness and losses. But being hopeful, cheerful, and trusting in God, they established a good home. The district School was taught in their house. The pioneer teachers were DANIEL HARRISON DAVISON, (her brother), Jacob McChesney, (Husband of Elsie Lois Davison), Henry Lohnes, and Mrs. W. R. Dunn, (Francis L. Davison-Jenkins-Dunn, daughter of Ezra Darwin Davison). In 1874, they built a fine large house. They moved into it, and after an illness of only three days with pneumonia, he died January 27, 1875, leaving his family with a good home, but some in debt. In a few years, she with the help of her boys, cleared up the incumberance and to the last, their home was the dearest place on earth. BIOGRAPHY: Her last years were spent mostly with her children at each of whose homes she had a room. She always brought sunshine and happiness where ever she went. On account of her delicate health, she was spending the winter at the residence of her daughter Sarah, wife of Dr. E. Mamen, at Bloomington, IL, where with all her children about her she died December 30, 1902. A few days past seventy-three years of age. Her husband and children testify she was an ideal wife and mother. She bequeathed part of her estate to benevolent and religious purposes. One of her favorite quotations was: “Blessed are the peacemakers, etc.” She not only taught it, but lived it. While all were together in the old home, the children embraced the Christian religion of their parents and family worship was maintained. They had nine children. | DAVISON Louisa Malinda (I35575)
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| 1978 | BIOGRAPHY: Raymond Lee Brown, a twin to his brother, Roger Lee, married Sandra Jordon. During his years, he worked as a truck driver and did body and fender work on automobiles. He only had an 8th grade education. He died in Huston, Texas and was cremated. His ashes are in Tennessee. His wife, Sandra and three children survive him. DEATH: Raymond Lee was cremated after death and his ashes remain in the state of Tennessee | Brown Raymond Lee (I52988)
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| 1979 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I56177)
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| 1980 | Birth Cert from Register of Deeds, Montello, WI 1908. Abstract of evidence: Baptismal record from St. John Luth Church, Montello and affidavit of Louise Brustman, mother. | Sr. Edward Edwin Brustman (I34476)
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| 1981 | Birth date and place from birth records of St. Paul | HOFFMAN John Werder (I49363)
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| 1982 | Birth date and place from birth records of St. Paul. Betty Payne had a locket of hair from this girl who die at 13 years. | HOFFMAN Gertrude Minna (I49362)
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| 1983 | Birth registration: Little Falls, MN Thomas Philémon Chandonnet (12/24/81 born 03/03/81) | CHANDONNET Thomas John (I1934)
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| 1984 | Birth Registration: Little Falls, MN Thomas Philemon Chandonnet (12/24/1881 born 3/3/1881) Tom was elected to the town council in 1909 and held several offices over a period of years. Their lumber yard burned June 27, 1912 and they rebuilt it. | CHANDONNET Thomas John (I1934)
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| 1985 | BIRTH-BAPTISM-DEATH-BURIAL: Page 136, Page 926.28 | BOUCHER Francoise (I1241)
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| 1986 | BIRTH-BAPTISM-MARRIAGE-CHILD: Page 667-668.28 She had an illigit. daughter, father unknown. Marie n&b 10 Nov 1714 at Riviere-Quelle. | DELAVOYE Marie Marguerite (I4936)
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| 1987 | BIRTH-BAPTISM-ORIGIN-COMMENT: Page 645.28 He appeared to be of English descent. His letters of naturalization were in May 1710. He was a native of "Barbade" ? "natif de la Barbe, ...rachete des Abenaquis qui l'avaient pris en guerre." On the naturalization papers, his name was listed as Louis Philippe Sargent. His French name then became L'Anglais, and or simply Langlais, and sometimes confused with Langlois. His dit name reveals the clues to his origin however; "dit Serien" or Sargent. MARRIAGE: Page 645. 28 Marriage contract signed with notary - Janneau on 14 Jan 1718. p. 645, 1re colonne LANGLAIS dit SÁRIEN ou SARGENT, Louis-Philippe né Daniel (...) (Digory SERJENT & Mary OBEN) n 1685 b 18-01-1700 Lauzon; Anglais, "natif de la Barbade, racheté des Abénakis qui l'avaient pris en guerre [n 08- 1699 b 06-11-1707 Montréal, d avant 03-08-1728] * m 1718 LAVOIE, Marguerite [Ajout: Ascendance de Louis-Philippe Langlais: 2. Digory SERJENT, b 22-06-1651 St.German's comté Cornwall (sud ouest), Angleterre, habitant Worcester, Massachussetts, m 13-10-1693 Constance JAMES, m 1696 Mary PARMENTER (soeur de George) ou OBEN 3. Mary PARMENTER ou OBEN 4. John SEARGENT, m 23-11-1640 St..Germans 5. Martha AXFORD 10. Henry AXFORD, m 13?-08-1605 St.German's 11. Katherine MATHEWS] Sources: MSGCF, vol 27 no 4 p. 237-242, vol 28 no 1 p. 32-43, par Antonio L'anglais, qui discute de ce personnage; The Genealogist (ACGS), vol. 12 no 4 (30), automne 1986, p. 126-129, par Rose Brodeur Freeman et James Freeman; vol 13 no 4 (34) automne 1987, p. 156, par James H. Mero, vol 14 no 2, été 1988, p. 47, par James H. Mero; Parchemin, notaire Jeanneau 14-01-1718 "natif des côtes de Boston"; PRDH, vol 11, p. 233, section 301 (b de Lauzon), vol. 13 p. 62 section 391 (b de Montréal) [diagnostic] possible, documentation suffisante Daniel Sargent was carried away by the Indians and was probably about 4 years old at the time. He lived for a while with the Abenaki [Abenaquis] Indians. It is said that they "gave" him to the governor, Philippe de RIGAULT VAUDREUIL (or was perhaps "redeemed" by the him). Daniel was baptized on 6 Nov 1707, at the age of 8 and given the name Louis-Philippe Sargeant. This became corrupted to Serien, which is how it would have been pronounced. He had been given by this time, by the governor, to Robert POITIER to raise and he grew up in Poitier's household | SERIEN Louis Philippe Langlais Dit (I8528)
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| 1988 | BIRTH-DEATH-BURIAL-CENSUS: Page 137 and 1029. 28 She answered that she was 16 in 1666, 20 in 1667 and 32 in 1681. | St-Denis Marie Anne (I9226)
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| 1989 | BIRTH-DEATH-BURIAL-COMMENT-CENSUS-RESIDENCE-ORIGIN: Page 136.28 She was from Courgeon, diocese Mortagne, Sees, Perche (now Orne), in France. She was said to be 82 when she died. She answered that she was 60 or 62 at the recording of 1666, 62 at the recording of 1667, and 77 at the recording of 1681 and in Chateau-Richer. Confirmed 2 Feb 1660 in Chateau-Richer. | (Mallette) Perrine (Prinne) Mallet (I254)
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| 1990 | BIRTH-DEATH-BURIAL-MARRIAGE-COMMENT: Page 926, Page 136.28 Aunis is now the district of (Charente-Maritime). He was said to be 84 at his death. He answered that he was 40 at he 1666 recording, and living at Beaupre, also in 1667. He answered that he was 60 at the 1681 recording and living at Chateau-Richer, QP. | PLANTE Jean (I6573)
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| 1991 | BIRTH-DEATH-CENSUS: 27 She answered that she was 26 in 1666 and 1667 and 40 in 1681 at the recordings. It was said that she was 61 at her death. | LECLERC Marie (I4993)
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| 1992 | BIRTH-MARRIAGE-DEATH-BURIAL: Page 667.28 He was said to be 63 years old at his death. He was 25 years in 1656, 33 in 1666 and 35 in 1667 in Beaupre (Chateau-Richer). | LAVOIE Rene (I4937)
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| 1993 | Birth: 1863 Wabasha, Wabasha County, Minnesota, USA | COOKE Viola E. (I57041)
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| 1994 | BIRTH: According to "Vassall Pedigree", pg 3, she was stillborn. | Vassall Girl (I50353)
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| 1995 | BIRTH: According to "Vassall Pedigree", this child was stillborn. | Vassall Boy (I50417)
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| 1996 | BIRTH: He probably was born in Elizabethtown, Leeds County, Ontario, Canada. | June Eli G. (I53755)
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| 1997 | At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I56181)
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| 1998 | Birth: Ontario French Catholic Church Records (Drouin Collection), 1747-1967 Lafontaine; Baptêmes 1856-1915 (Research):BAPTISM: Ontario French Catholic Church Records (Drouin Collection), 1747-1967 Lafontaine; Baptêmes 1856-1915 page 23 (page 17 of 247 ancestry.ca) | GENDRON Napoleon (Paul) (I55149)
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| 1999 | Bishop of Winchester | PLANTAGENET-BEAUFORT Henry (I21900)
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| 2000 | Blacksmith and farmer and soldier of the Rev. War. | JEWETT Moses (I4365)
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